Tag: macroeconomic performance

Private and Public Sectors in the Belarusian Economy: Where Has the Pendulum Swung After 2019?

Symbolic view of a Ferris wheel representing the cycles and challenges of the Belarusian Private Sector in the nation’s evolving economy.

The Belarusian Private Sector experienced dynamic growth in the 2010s and, by the start of the current decade, matched the public sector in its contribution to GDP. However, since 2020, the institutional environment for entrepreneurship has significantly deteriorated. Combined with a reduction in the volume of publicly available official statistics, this has raised concerns about a significant decline in the private sector’s contribution to the Belarusian economy. This policy brief aims to systematize and analyze the dynamics of key development indicators of the private and public sectors in Belarus after 2019. It shows that private businesses have continued to play a crucial role in the Belarusian economy, generating about half of the gross value added in 2021–2024. However, the trend of increasing the share of private businesses in the economy, observed prior to 2020, came to a halt in 2021–2024. The share of state-owned enterprises also remained excessively high, despite being less efficient than private firms. If the status quo persists, sustainable long-term economic growth in Belarus is unlikely.

The Belarusian Private Sector and Public Sector Before 2020

After a period of high growth in the 2000s, the Belarusian economy entered a prolonged stagnation period. The annual GDP growth slowed from 7.1 percent in 2000–2011 to 0.7 percent in 2012–2021 and 1.1 percent in 2022–2024. The oversized state-owned enterprise (SOE) sector, extensively supported by the state via credit and other measures until 2015, is responsible for both the rapid growth in the 2000s and the subsequent stagnation (Hartwell et al., 2022).

The low efficiency of the public sector in the 2010s was partially offset by the expansion of more productive private firms. While this was not sufficient for Belarus to achieve high economic growth or close the wealth gap with Central and Eastern European countries, it did help maintain an upper-middle income per capita status – according to the World Bank classification, which Belarus has had since the mid-2000s.

The private sector developed dynamically in the 2010s, largely due to liberalized business conditions (Mironchik & Shcherba, 2022; BEROC, 2023). Labor resources flowed from SOEs to private firms (Chubrik, 2021).

By 2020, the Belarusian Private Sector’s contribution to GDP approached 50 percent (Mironchik & Shcherba, 2022) and, according to some estimates, even exceeded that level — rising by more than 10 percentage points since 2012 (Daneyko et al., 2022).

In 2020, the Belarusian economy, however, entered a period of turbulence. The Covid-19 pandemic, socio-political tensions and the government’s reactionary policies, a significant increase in sanctions pressure, and the forced restructuring of production chains significantly altered the business environment (Marozau, 2023). Support for SOEs from the government increased once again (Kalechits, 2024), while the regulatory environment deteriorated.

These changes, combined with a reduction in the volume of available statistics, have raised concerns about a decline in the private sector’s contribution to the economy after 2019. There are no known studies that have examined economic indicators of the public and private sectors since 2020. This policy brief aims to close this gap.

Economic Indicators of the Belarusian Private and Public Sectors in 2020–2024

Employment. The trend of gradual worker loss in SOEs persisted after 2019, while employment in the private sector expanded, even amidst an overall decline in the workforce.

The number of people employed declined by nearly 5 percent between 2020 and 2024 due to unfavorable demographic trends and intensified emigration. Employment dynamics varied significantly depending on the form of company ownership. The number of workers in SOEs and firms with state participation continued to decrease, whereas in the private sector, employment grew by just over 1 percent (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Dynamics of employment in Belarus

Line graph showing employment trends in Belarus from 2019 to 2024 across public, private, and mixed ownership sectors, illustrating shifts in the Pendulum Belarusian economy.

Source: Author’s calculations based on Belstat data.

The share of the private sector in total employment increased from 42.9 percent in 2019 to 45.7 percent in 2024, while the share of the public sector declined from 57.1 percent to 54.3 percent (see Figure 2).

Industrial output and exports. The role of the private sector in manufacturing and exports of goods has remained nearly unchanged since 2019. However, the pre-2019 trend of its increasing role in the economy has stalled.

In 2024, private commercial organizations accounted for 30.5 percent of industrial production, an increase by 3.8 percentage points since 2019 (see Figure 2). Assessing the impact of individual industries on these changes is challenging, as Belarus Statistical Agency Belstat stopped publishing data on production in industrial sectors in 2022. The decline in the share of SOEs in production is, at least in part, linked to oil refining, whose output has not returned to 2019 levels due to the impact of sanctions.

Figure 2. Private Sector Share in Selected Economic Indicators of Belarus

Bar chart showing changes from 2019 to 2024 in private sector shares of employment, industrial output, investments, retail trade, and catering in Belarus, reflecting trends in the Pendulum Belarusian economy.

Source: Author’s calculations based on Belstat data.
Note: Hereafter, mixed ownership enterprises (with any share of state participation) are considered part of state-owned enterprises (or the public sector).

The Belarusian industry is export-oriented, with around 70 percent of manufactured goods supplied to foreign markets. Detailed foreign trade data has also been restricted since 2022, but the volume of oil products and potash fertilizer exports can be estimated using mirror statistics, media leaks, and statements from Belarusian officials. According to this, the volume of export of oil products and potash fertilizers has significantly declined since 2019, and their share in total goods exports has decreased from 26 percent in 2019 to 15–20 percent in 2022–2024 (see Figure 3).

Other exports from SOEs have grown significantly since 2019, increasing their share of total goods exports by nearly 9 percentage points (see Figure 3). This has been driven by enhanced industrial cooperation between Belarus and Russia following the tightened sanctions in early 2022. It led to increased shipments of machinery and equipment to Russia, with the defense sector likely accounting for a significant portion.

Private firms also took advantage of vacant niches in the Russian market, increasing their exports after 2019. However, private sector exports grew at a slower pace than SOEs. With the decline in oil products and potash exports, the share of the private sector in total exports remained close to the 2019 level in 2022–2024 (see Figure 3).

Figure 3. Structure of goods exports

Stacked bar chart showing the structure of Belarusian goods exports by sector from 2019 to 2024, highlighting shifts between private firms, state-owned enterprises, and key commodities within the Pendulum Belarusian economy.

Source: Author’s calculations based on data from Belstat, National Bank of Belarus, World Bank, UN Comtrade and various news outlets.

Imports. The private sector has played a crucial role in rebuilding Belarus’s goods supply chains after sanctions were tightened in early 2022.

According to statistics from Belstat, the share of SOEs in goods imports decreased by 9.8 percentage points – from 28.2 percent in 2019 to 18.4 percent in 2024. However, it is reasonable to isolate the imports of oil and petroleum and gas products as the way Belstat classifies ownership may bias these figures. For example, natural gas from Russia is imported by Gazprom Transgaz Belarus – a 100 percent subsidiary of Russian state-owned Gazprom – yet classified in the data as private sector imports.

Adjusting for this, the private sector’s share of non-energy goods imports rose by almost 13 percentage points since 2019, reaching 73 percent in 2024 (see Figure 4). This signifies the private sector’s ability to adapt to the new economic reality, not only recovering but even growing its imports against the backdrop of the supply chain and financial disruptions of 2022–24.

Without the high adaptability of private businesses under drastically changing conditions, the economic downturn in Belarus in 2022 would have been much deeper, and the recovery in 2023 and growth in 2024 significantly slower.

Figure 4. Structure of goods imports

Source: Author’s calculations based on data from Belstat, National Bank of Belarus, World Bank, UN Comtrade, and various news outlets.

Investment and trade. The importance of state-owned enterprises in investments has increased slightly since 2019 but declined in sectors related to meeting consumer demand.

In 2019, 61.4 percent of all investments were generated by SOEs. During 2022–2024, this share fluctuated between 63.6–65.5 percent, while the private sector accounted for nearly 34.5–35.8 percent (see Figure 2). The slight increase in the role of SOEs in investment is linked to government efforts to intensify investment activity. This includes directives and recommendations for enterprises to initiate a new investment cycle.

In retail trade and catering, the private sector strengthened its position after 2019. Its share increased by 3 and 11.4 percentage points, respectively, reaching 86.8 percent and 78.9 percent in 2024 (see Figure 2).

Assessing the Contribution of the Belarusian Private Sector and Public Sector to Gross Value Added. There is no available data on the contribution of the public and private sectors to the gross value added (GVA) or GDP in Belarus. To estimate this contribution, an approach proposed by Daneyko et al. (2022) has been applied. This method assumes that labor productivity in the public and private sectors corresponds to overall productivity in the same proportion as wages in these sectors relate to the average wages in the economy.

According to these estimates, the private sector accounted for nearly 50 percent of Belarus’s GVA in 2019, while the public sector contributed slightly over 50 percent (see Figure 5). Between 2020 and 2024, the sectoral shares in GVA fluctuated around 50 percent.

Thus, despite the deterioration of the institutional environment for business after 2020, the significance of the private sector in Belarus’s economy has at least not declined. However, while the private sector’s importance in the economy increased before 2020, this trend did not continue between 2021 and 2024.

Figure 5. Contribution of the Belarusian private sector and public sector to Belarus’s gross value added.

Source: Author’s calculations based on Belstat data.

The public sector continued to generate less value added per employee than private businesses between 2020 and 2024. However, the gap narrowed from over 20 percent in 2019 to nearly 15 percent in 2024 (see Figure 6).

Figure 6. Efficiency of the public sector relative to the private sector

Source: Author’s calculations based on Belstat data.

Labor productivity growth in the public sector exceeded that of the private sector. However, given the influence of temporary production growth factors (vacated market niches in 2022–2023 and increased demand from Russia), this development is unlikely to be sustainable in the long term. Indirect evidence for this is the lack of a corresponding improvement in the relative efficiency of public sector investments. Between 2020 and 2024, each ruble invested by SOEs in fixed capital generated nearly 45 percent less value added than in the private sector — and this gap has widened since 2019.

Conclusion

The Belarusian private sector continued to generate around half of the country’s GVA after 2019 and remained the most productive part of the economy. Its significance did not diminish, even amid a deteriorating institutional environment and tightened sanctions against Belarus. Private businesses played a decisive role in restructuring supply chains during 2022–2024, following the disruptions in early 2022.

At the same time, the trend of increasing private sector participation in the economy, observed before 2020, has stalled, while the size of the public sector has remained substantial — particularly in industrial production. In turn, the efficiency of SOEs still lags significantly behind that of private firms, especially in terms of investment. If the current balance between the Belarusian private sector and public sectors persists, and the conditions that underpin it remain unchanged, Belarus’s long-term economic growth prospects will remain weak once the specific growth factors of 2023–2024 are exhausted.

References

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

Georgia’s Growth Dilemma: Structural Transformation, Inequality, and the Future of Inclusive Development

Georgia Growth Dilemma Image

This policy paper examines Georgia’s economic growth and labor market developments between 2017 and 2023, with a focus on structural transformation and income distribution. While growth has been strong and absolute poverty has declined, challenges related to the economic inequality of Georgia remain, including labor reallocation, wage disparities, and regional gaps. Redistribution mechanisms, particularly social transfers, have played an important role in mitigating poverty; however, the pace of inclusive structural change has been limited. Key policy priorities include fostering productivity growth, expanding employment opportunities, and addressing inequality through targeted labor market and social policies.

Georgia’s Economic Rebound: Growth Beyond Recovery or Superficial Expansion?

In recent years, Georgia’s economy has demonstrated remarkable resilience and dynamism. Following a sharp contraction of real GDP by approximately 6.8 percent in 2020 due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the economy rebounded strongly, posting a growth rate exceeding 10 percent in 2021. This robust performance was maintained also in 2022 and 2023. The recovery was among the fastest in the region, fueled by a combination of strong private consumption, booming external demand, and exceptional inflows of remittances and capital.

According to national accounts data, output in 2023 not only recovered the losses sustained during the pandemic but significantly surpassed pre-pandemic levels. Georgia’s real GDP is on a trajectory above its previous trend, with potential output estimates also being revised upward (see Figure 1). Potential output — the level of economic activity the country can sustain without triggering inflation — is not directly observable and was estimated using a statistical technique known as the Kalman filter. This method uses historical GDP data and economic patterns to produce a smooth estimate of potential output over time, allowing policymakers to assess the gap between actual and sustainable growth. The economy’s output gap, which turned sharply negative during the pandemic, gradually closed by 2022 and moved into slightly positive territory by 2023, indicating that output had surpassed its estimated potential level as the recovery matured.

Figure 1. Output Growth, Output Gap, and Potential Output in Georgia

Figure showing Georgia’s output growth, output gap, and potential output from 2017–2024, highlighting post-pandemic recovery, strong GDP growth above potential, and implications for Georgia Economic Inequality

Source: Geostat. Author’s calculations.

Georgia’s recent economic growth is largely propelled by geopolitical factors linked to the Russo-Ukraine war. The sharp increase in remittance inflows from Russia — which soared by 403 percent to $2.1 billion in 2022 — provided a major boost to domestic consumption. At the same time, the relocation of capital, businesses, and skilled individuals intensified, with over 30,000 Russian-owned firms registered and nearly 115,000 Russian migrants arriving between 2022 and 2023, significantly stimulating investment and labor market activity. In addition, the rapid expansion of re-exports — particularly of motor vehicles and machinery — further accelerated external trade, with re-exports to Russia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan rising 6.6 times in 2024 compared to 2019, which strengthened the logistics and transport sectors.At the same time, substantial fiscal stimulus during the pandemic years, followed by a gradual normalization of fiscal policy, helped support aggregate demand without triggering immediate macroeconomic instability. Monetary policy remained broadly accommodative, while inflationary pressures — although pronounced — were largely kept under control relative to peer economies.

Despite these positive developments, the underlying composition of growth raises important questions. High headline growth figures do not automatically translate into widespread improvements in living standards or reductions in inequality. Growth that is driven by consumption booms, remittance surges, or temporary trade redirection may lack the deep, productivity-enhancing underpinnings necessary for long-term sustainability. Without broad-based sectoral upgrading and inclusive labor market outcomes, there is a risk that economic expansion will remain concentrated in a few dynamic sectors while leaving large parts of the population behind.

Moreover, the post-pandemic growth episode coincided with rising concerns about external vulnerabilities, including Georgia’s dependence on remittances (17.5 and 13.5 percent of GDP in 2022 and 2023, respectively (NBG, Geostat)) and commodity prices, as well as regional political risks. If these external drivers were to weaken, maintaining high growth rates without deeper structural changes could become increasingly difficult.

Therefore, while Georgia’s recent economic record is impressive by regional standards, it is crucial to assess whether this growth has been accompanied by meaningful structural transformation — namely, a reallocation of labor from low to high-productivity sectors, rising labor incomes, and reduced inequality. A deeper analysis of sectoral dynamics and employment patterns is required to determine whether Georgia’s economy is evolving toward a more inclusive and sustainable growth model.

“Structural Shifts of the Economy: Georgia Economic Inequality and Progress Without Transformation?”

The structural transformation of Georgia’s economy between 2017 and 2023 (see Figure 2) reveals both encouraging and concerning trends. The analytical framework used to assess structural transformation in Georgia between 2017 and 2023 draws on the methodology developed by McMillan and Rodrik (2011). This influential study emphasizes the role of labor reallocation across sectors as a key driver of aggregate productivity growth in developing and transition economies.

The analysis of the change in sectoral employment shares against relative sectoral productivity shows that, broadly speaking, labor reallocation has followed a growth-enhancing direction. The fitted trend line across sectors exhibits a positive slope, suggesting that workers have been moving, though slowly, away from low-productivity sectors and toward relatively higher-productivity activities. However, the shallow gradient of the trend line indicates that the pace and quality of this transformation have been modest. The most significant dynamic during this period is the continued exit of labor from agriculture. Agriculture remains a highly unproductive sector, with a large share of labor in subsistence agriculture, and experienced a substantial decline in its employment share—a positive signal for economic modernization. Nevertheless, much of the displaced labor appears to have been absorbed by mid-productivity services such as construction, retail trade (wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles and motorcycles), accommodation and food service activities, and transportation. These sectors have seen rising employment shares but remain relatively close to or below the economy-wide average in terms of labor productivity. Consequently, while labor mobility is evident, the migration has largely been into sectors that do not substantially enhance overall economic efficiency.

Figure 2. Structural Transformation and Productivity Alignment in Georgia, 2017–2023

Bubble chart of Georgia’s structural transformation and productivity alignment from 2017–2023, showing sectoral labor shifts and productivity disparities, with modest progress toward higher-value activities, highlighting links to Georgia Economic Inequality.

Source: Geostat. Author’s calculations. Note: Each bubble represents a sector, with its position determined by the change in its employment share (horizontal axis) and its relative productivity level (vertical axis). Bubble size corresponds to the sector’s share of total employment in 2017. The positive slope of the fitted trend line indicates modest progress in reallocating labor toward more productive activities, although the shift remains shallow and incomplete.

In contrast, high-productivity sectors, notably information and communication, financial and insurance activities, and real estate, have exhibited strong relative productivity but absorbed very limited shares of the labor force. These findings point to persistent barriers in accessing higher-value employment opportunities, likely stemming from skill mismatches, limited educational attainment, and structural rigidities in the labor market.

Public administration, education, and health — traditionally labor-intensive sectors — have maintained relatively large shares of employment while operating below average productivity levels, reflecting a lack of dynamism in these essential public service areas.

Overall, the observed pattern suggests that Georgia’s recent economic growth has been accompanied by low-quality structural transformation. Although there has been a reallocation of labor from extremely low-productive sectors, the transition has not been sufficient to significantly lift aggregate productivity or to broaden access to high-wage, high-skill employment.

These trends underscore the critical need for policy interventions aimed at improving the quality of labor mobility. Investment in education and vocational training to match labor supply with demand in high-productivity sectors is essential. Moreover, facilitating entrepreneurship, promoting innovation in services and manufacturing, and supporting labor market flexibility could help ensure that future structural changes generate more inclusive and sustainable economic growth.

Labor Market Dynamics: Recovery in Numbers, Challenges in Structure

Following the period of sectoral shifts and structural transformation outlined above, it is equally important to examine how the Georgian labor market has evolved in recent years. Labor market dynamics provide critical insight into the inclusiveness and sustainability of economic growth. Between 2017 and 2023, the number of employed individuals exhibited a general upward trajectory, particularly after the sharp decline during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 (see Figure 3). Employment numbers, which fell significantly in 2020 and 2021, recovered steadily in the following years, reaching approximately 1.33 million in 2023. Preliminary assessments suggest that this recovery is expected to continue into 2024, further consolidating the labor market’s post-pandemic rebound.

Figure 3. Employment and Unemployment Trends in Georgia

Bar and line chart showing employment and unemployment trends in Georgia from 2018–2024, with rising employment, falling unemployment, and implications for Georgia Economic Inequality.

Source: Geostat. Author’s calculations.

This recovery has been accompanied by notable improvements in Georgia’s wage dynamics. After a period of stagnation in nominal and real wages between 2018 and 2020, the economy experienced a sharp acceleration in wage growth, beginning in 2021. Average nominal wages rose rapidly, while real wage growth, which accounts for inflation, also turned positive after years of stagnation (see Figure 4). These wage dynamics indicate that the labor market tightening contributed to upward pressure on wages, suggesting better bargaining conditions for workers in certain sectors.

Figure 4. Nominal and Real Wage Dynamics in Georgia

Bar and line chart showing Georgia’s nominal and real wage dynamics from 2017–2024, with employment growth, wage fluctuations, and implications for Georgia economic inequality.

Source: Geostat. Author’s calculations.

At the same time, unemployment rates declined significantly. The unemployment rate, which had hovered between 17 and 20 percent prior to the pandemic, began a gradual downward trend from 2021 and onwards, falling to approximately 14 percent by 2023 (see Figure 3). This suggests that job creation in the recovery phase was relatively strong. However, the persistently high levels of unemployment earlier in the period underscore structural issues that remain unresolved.

Nevertheless, despite these positive headline trends, several deeper challenges persist within Georgia’s labor market. Employment growth has been concentrated primarily in low- and mid-productivity service sectors, as indicated previously. Informality remains high, particularly in agriculture and small-scale services, and labor underutilization (32.1 percent) — including underemployment and discouraged workers— continues to affect a significant segment of the workforce.

Moreover, the share of labor income relative to GDP provides important additional context (see Figure 5). As shown in Figure 5, the wage share of GDP fluctuated throughout the period, declining during the pandemic years and rebounding sharply in 2023. While this recovery is promising, it may however partially reflect inflationary effects or nominal wage adjustments rather than deep, productivity-driven gains.

Figure 5. Share of Wages in GDP and Economic Growth

Bar chart showing the share of wages in Georgia’s GDP from 2017–2023, highlighting fluctuations in labor income share and its relevance to Georgia economic inequality.

Source: Geostat. Author’s calculations.

Taken together, recent labor market developments in Georgia reflect a cyclical recovery reinforced by external demand and domestic consumption. Yet, the underlying structure of employment, informality, and the relatively slow reallocation of labor into high-productivity sectors suggest that the labor market’s transformation remains incomplete. Sustainable improvements in labor incomes and employment quality will require addressing skills mismatches, boosting formal sector job creation, and ensuring that future growth translates into widely shared labor market opportunities.

Despite the improvements in employment and wage dynamics, it remains critical to assess whether these labor market gains have translated into broader improvements in income distribution and living standards. Strong aggregate indicators do not necessarily imply that growth has been inclusive or that inequality has diminished. The following section examines how the distribution of income has evolved in recent years, focusing on wage structures, inequality measures, and the extent to which economic growth has been shared across different segments of the population.

Georgia Economic Inequality and Distributional Shifts: A Fragile Middle and Growing Extremes

Following the developments observed in the labor market, it is crucial to assess how economic growth and labor dynamics have translated into income distribution outcomes. Understanding the evolution of income inequality provides deeper insight into whether the benefits of growth have been broadly shared or have remained concentrated.

Wage income distribution patterns between 2017 and 2023 show a complex trajectory. The wage distribution curve (see Figure 6) reveals that while average earnings have increased over time, the overall shape of the distribution has also evolved significantly. The peak of the distribution has become sharper and shifted toward higher income brackets, particularly around the 1200–2400 GEL range. However, the right-hand tail of the distribution has simultaneously elongated, suggesting the emergence of a relatively small group of very high-income earners.

Figure 6. Wage Income Distribution Curves, 2017–2023

Line chart showing wage income distribution curves in Georgia for 2017, 2019, 2021, and 2023, illustrating shifts in earnings patterns and disparities relevant to Georgia economic inequality.

Source: RevenueServices. Author’s calculations.

This dual movement — a general upward shift combined with increasing dispersion — is captured through key statistical measures:

First, the standard deviation of incomes, which reflects the average distance of individual incomes from the mean, increased notably (57 percent) between 2017 and 2023. An increasing standard deviation indicates that income differences within the population have become more pronounced, with greater dispersion around the average wage. In simple terms, not only are people earning more on average, but the spread between low and high earners has widened substantially.

Second, the changes in skewness and kurtosis provide further depth to this picture. Skewness measures the asymmetry of the income distribution. In 2017, the distribution had a skewness of about 1.74, indicating a moderate right-skew, with income values concentrated around the lower and middle ranges and a gradual tapering toward higher incomes. By 2023, skewness had increased to 3.81, suggesting that the income distribution has become much more asymmetrical. A few individuals or households are earning disproportionately high incomes compared to the rest of the population. The visible downward shift in the 2023 wage distribution curve at the lower income ranges likely reflects two reinforcing trends. First, persistent inflation during the post-pandemic recovery years eroded the real value of wages, effectively pushing nominal incomes upward and compressing the lower tail of the distribution. Many workers who previously occupied the lowest wage brackets may have moved into higher nominal categories without corresponding improvements in purchasing power (average real wages declined until 2021, after which they began to recover, rebounding steadily through 2023 following the Covid-19 shock (See Figure 4)). Second, due to low rate of job creation, Georgia has experienced a high rate of labor emigration in recent years, especially to the EU and the U.S., particularly among low-skilled workers. This outflow of labor likely reduced the number of individuals earning wages in the lowest income ranges, further contributing to the observed contraction of the left side of the distribution curve. Together, these factors help explain why the red curve in 2023 dips below previous years in the lowest wage intervals.

Kurtosis, meanwhile, captures the “tailedness“ or the concentration of extreme outcomes. Georgia’s wage distribution moved from a kurtosis of about 5.16 in 2017 to 15.75 in 2023. Higher kurtosis indicates that extreme deviations (very low or very high incomes) have become more common relative to a normal distribution. In Georgia’s case, it points to an increasingly peaked distribution with fat tails: most people are concentrated around a modal income, but extreme earnings at the high end have become more significant.

In parallel, the Lorenz curves for 2017 and 2023 (see Figure 7) offer a graphical representation of these dynamics. The curve for 2023 lies slightly closer to the line of equality than that of 2017, reflecting a marginal improvement in income equality in the early part of the period. However, the difference is modest, and the curve’s arched shape hints at a persistent structural inequality. It should be mentioned that the calculations are based on household expenditures and therefore reflect the redistributive effects of government fiscal policy on income inequality. The Gini index, a summary statistic derived from the Lorenz curve, plots the cumulative share of income held by cumulative shares of the population. It measures income inequality on a scale from 0 (perfect equality) to 1 (perfect inequality) and thus provides a concise way to track changes in distributional dynamics over time.

In the case of Georgia, the index supports the discussion regarding the Lorenz curve. Between 2017 and 2021, the Gini index declined from 0.3711 to 0.3090, suggesting a reduction in income inequality during these years, likely influenced by pandemic-driven wage compression, social transfers, and temporary labor market adjustments. However, from 2021 onwards, inequality began creeping upward again, reaching 0.3271 in 2023. This suggests that the initial equalizing effects of crisis responses were short-lived and that structural disparities in income distribution have reasserted themselves as the economy recovered.

Figure 7. Lorenz Curves (2017 and 2023 comparison)

Lorenz curves comparing Georgia’s income distribution in 2017 and 2023.

Source: Geostat. Author’s Calculations.

Together, these metrics paint a coherent picture: the Georgian economy experienced nominal wage growth and a partial strengthening of middle-income segments during the recovery phase, however, this was accompanied by greater income dispersion, higher asymmetry (favoring high-income earners), and an increased concentration of wealth at the very top.

Thus, although the average worker is better off in absolute terms compared to 2017, the relative disparities within the labor force have widened, especially after 2021. Growth has been unevenly distributed, increasingly favoring highly skilled, capital-intensive, or well-connected sectors and workers.

Poverty trends during 2017–2023 (see Figure 8) add an important additional dimension to the analysis of income distribution. Over this period, Georgia achieved a substantial reduction in absolute poverty, with the share of the population unable to meet basic consumption needs falling from 21.9 percent in 2017 to 11.8 percent in 2023. This sharp decline reflects real improvements in living standards for a significant portion of the population and indicates that economic growth, combined with social policy interventions, had a meaningful impact in alleviating extreme deprivation. However, developments in relative poverty tell a more nuanced story.

Relative poverty, which measures economic disadvantage in relation to the median income, declined only modestly from 22.3 percent to 19.8 percent over the same period. The persistence of relative poverty, despite improvements in absolute poverty, suggests that while more people were able to meet basic needs, the income distance between lower-income households and the median population did not significantly narrow. This implies that, although economic growth has lifted many out of extreme poverty, underlying income inequality has remained largely intact. Crucially, redistribution plays a central role in shaping these poverty outcomes. Although Georgia’s tax system is largely regressive and heavily reliant on indirect taxes, fiscal transfers — particularly the old-age pension — play a powerful equalizing role. The pension system alone is estimated to reduce the national poverty rate by up to 18 percentage points, highlighting the critical role of targeted redistribution in mitigating deprivation. These fiscal tools are especially important in the absence of highly progressive taxation, and they help explain why absolute poverty declined so markedly despite ongoing structural labor market weaknesses. At the same time, the relatively limited change in relative poverty underlines the limits of redistribution in addressing inequality in the absence of more inclusive labor market outcomes and equitable income growth.

Figure 8. Evolution of Absolute and Relative Poverty Rates in Georgia, 2017–2023

Line chart showing absolute and relative poverty rates in Georgia from 2017–2023, with a sharp decline in absolute poverty and modest change in relative poverty, highlighting links to Georgia economic inequality.

Source: Revenue Services. Author’s calculations.

An important part of the labor market story is the role of public employment initiatives, particularly those targeting the labor market. While government employment programs have had a visible impact on official labor statistics (see Figure 9), particularly in peripheral regions, a closer examination reveals critical concerns regarding the quality and sustainability of the jobs created. Many of the positions facilitated through this program are characterized by very low wages, limited or no skills development opportunities, and lack of formal career advancement paths. Rather than serving as a bridge to stable, productive employment, these jobs often appear to fulfill administrative or social functions, providing basic income support without contributing meaningfully to workers’ long-term economic mobility.

Figure 9. Share of Social Service Agency (SSA) Program Employment in Total Regional Employment (2023)

Bar chart showing the share of Social Service Agency program employment in total regional employment across Georgia’s regions in 2023.

Source: Social Service Agency, Geostat, Author’s Calculations. Note: Bars represent regions in Georgia.

Moreover, there is evidence that the expansion of employment facilitated by the government program has, in some regions, been used as a tool for political management, particularly at the municipal level. By creating a network of publicly funded low-skill jobs tied to local government structures, employment program may inadvertently reinforce patronage systems and political dependence, particularly around electoral cycles.

This raises important concerns about the role of public employment programs in structural transformation. While temporary income support can be vital for vulnerable populations, overreliance on low-productivity public sector jobs can entrench regional stagnation and undermine incentives for private sector dynamism. For employment programs to contribute positively to structural transformation, it is essential that they be reoriented toward genuine skills development, pathways into productive sectors, and integration with broader labor market activation strategies.

Taken together, these trends suggest that while Georgia’s economic growth has lifted many individuals out of absolute poverty and improved average incomes, it has also led to greater wage dispersion, increasing concentration of incomes at the top end, and significant concerns about the depth and quality of labor market transformations. Without deliberate policy efforts to promote inclusive structural change, Georgia risks entrenching a dualistic economy, where prosperity coexists with persistent inequality and regional marginalization.

Conclusion and Policy Recommendations

In light of the findings discussed above, a set of targeted policy actions is proposed to foster a more inclusive, sustainable, and equitable economic transformation in Georgia. These recommendations aim to address the structural weaknesses identified in the labor market, income distribution, and regional economic development, ensuring that future growth benefits a broader cross-section of the population.

The findings of this policy paper highlight the need for a more deliberate approach to structural transformation in Georgia. While recent economic growth has been strong, labor reallocation toward high-productivity sectors remains incomplete, income distribution dynamics point to persistent inequalities, and improvements in living standards have not been evenly shared. To ensure that growth translates into broad-based prosperity, the following policy actions are recommended:

Georgia must accelerate the movement of labor from low-productivity sectors, particularly agriculture and informal services, into higher-productivity activities. Policymakers should prioritize sectoral strategies that support emerging dynamic industries — such as ICT, logistics, manufacturing, and modern services — while also upgrading traditional sectors like agriculture and tourism to enhance productivity and employment absorption.

Addressing skill mismatches is essential to enable labor mobility toward productive sectors. Investment in vocational education, digital skills training, and sector-specific workforce programs must be intensified, especially targeting young people, rural workers, and displaced labor from declining industries.

While public employment programs can play a stabilization role, the primary engine of sustainable job creation must be the private sector. Georgia should focus on creating an enabling environment for small and medium sized enterprises, supporting entrepreneurship, streamlining business regulations, and improving access to finance, especially outside of the capital Tbilisi.

Reducing regional disparities is critical for equitable growth. Targeted infrastructure investment, decentralized support for business development, and place-based labor market policies are needed to ensure that structural transformation benefits all regions, not only urban centers.

Promoting formal labor relations through fiscal incentives, simplified compliance procedures, and stronger enforcement can raise job quality and income security. At the same time, reinforcing social protection systems can mitigate inequality without discouraging labor market participation, helping to build a more resilient workforce.

Ongoing reforms must be informed by robust, high-frequency data. Strengthening labor market information systems, expanding coverage of income and employment surveys, and integrating administrative data into policymaking will enhance the government’s ability to monitor progress on structural transformation and distributional outcomes.

References

  • McMillan, M. S., & Rodrik, D. (2011). Globalization, structural change and productivity growth. NBER Working Paper No. 17143. National Bureau of Economic Research.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

Vaccination Progress and the Opening Up of Economies

20210622 Reopening Soon Webinar Image 01

In this brief, we report on the FREE network webinar on the state of vaccinations and the challenges ahead for opening up economies while containing the pandemic, held on June 22, 2021. The current state of the pandemic in each respective country was presented, suggesting that infection rates have gone down quite substantially recently in all countries of the network, except in Russia which is currently facing a surge in infections driven by the delta-version of the virus. Vaccination progress is very uneven, limited by lacking access to vaccines (primarily Ukraine and Georgia) and vaccine scepticism among the population (primarily in Russia and Belarus but for certain groups also in Latvia, Poland and to some extent Sweden). This also creates challenges for governments eager to open their societies to benefit their economies and ease the social consequences of the restrictions on mobility and social gatherings. Finally, the medium to long term consequences for labour markets reveal challenges but also potential opportunities through wider availability of workfrom-home policies. 

Background

In many countries in Europe, citizens and governments are starting to see an end to the most intense impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on their societies. Infection and death rates are coming down and governments are starting to put in place policies for a gradual opening up of societies, as reflected in the Covid-19 stringency index developed by Oxford University. These developments are partially seasonal, but also largely a function of the progress of vaccination programs reaching an increasing share of the adult population. These developments, though, are taking place to different degrees and at different pace across countries.  This is very evident at a global level, but also within Europe and among the countries represented in the FREE network. This has implications for the development within Europe as a whole, but also for the persistent inequalities we see across countries.   

Short overview of the current situation

The current epidemiological situation in Latvia, Sweden, Ukraine, and Georgia looks pretty similar in terms of Covid-19 cases and deaths but when it comes to the vaccination status there is substantial variation.

Latvia experienced a somewhat weaker third wave in the spring of 2021 after being hit badly in the second wave during the fall and winter of 2020 (see Figure 1). The Latvian government started vaccinating at the beginning of 2021, and by early June, 26% of the Latvian population had been fully vaccinated.

Sweden, that chose a somewhat controversial strategy to the pandemic built on individual responsibility, had reached almost 15 thousand Covid-19 deaths by the end of June of 2021, the second highest among the FREE network member countries relative to population size. The spread of the pandemic has slowed down substantially, though, during the early summer, and the percentage of fully vaccinated is about to reach 30% of the population.

Figure 1. Cumulative Covid-19 deaths 

Source: Aggregated data sources from the COVID-19 Data Repository by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering (CSSE) at Johns Hopkins University, compiled by Our World in Data.

Following a severe second wave, the number of infected in Ukraine started to go down in the winter of 2020, with the total deaths settling at about 27 thousand in the month of February. Then the third wave hit in the spring, but the number of new daily cases has decreased again and is currently three times lower than at the beginning of the lastwave. However, a large part of the reduction is likely not thanks to successful epidemiological policies but rather due to low detection rates and seasonal variation

In June 2021, Georgia faces a similar situation as Ukraine and Latvia, with the number of cumulative Covid-19 deaths per million inhabitants reaching around 1300 (in total 2500 people) following a rather detrimental spring 2021 wave. At the moment, both Georgia and Ukraine have very low vaccination coverage relative to other countries in the region(see Figure 5).

In contrast to the above countries, Russia started vaccinating early. Unfortunately, the country is now experiencing an increase in the number of cases (as can be seen in Figure 2), contrary to most other countries in the region. This negative development is likely due to the fact that the new Covid-19 delta variant is spreading in the country, particularly in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Despite the early start to vaccinations, though, the total number of vaccinated people remains low, only reaching 10.5% of the population.

Figure 2. New Covid-19 cases

Source: Aggregated data sources from the COVID-19 Data Repository by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering (CSSE) at Johns Hopkins University, compiled by Our World in Data.

In some ways similar to Sweden, the government of Belarus did not impose any formal restrictions on individuals’ mobility. According to the official statistics, in the month of June, the rise in the cumulative number of covid-19 deaths and new daily infections has declined rapidly and reached about 400 deceased and 800 infections per one million inhabitants, respectively. Vaccination goes slowly, and by now, around 8% of the population has gotten the first dose and 5% have received the second.

There were two major waves in Poland during the autumn 2020 and spring 2021. In the latter period, the country experienced a vast number of deaths.  As can be seen in Figure 3, the excess mortality P-score – the percentage difference between the weekly number of deaths in 2020-2021 and the average number of deaths over the years 2015-2019 – peaked in November 2020, reaching approximately 115%. The excess deaths numbers in Poland were also the highest among the FREE Network countries in the Spring of 2021, culminating at about 70% higher compared to the baseline. By mid-June, the number of deaths and cases have steeply declined and 36% of the country’s population is fully vaccinated.

Figure 3. Excess deaths

Turning to the economy, after a devastating year, almost all countries are expected to bounce back by the end of 2021 according to the IMF (see Figure 4). Much of these predictions build on the expectations that governments across the region will lift Covid-19 restrictions. These forecasts may not be unrealistic for the countries where vaccinations have come relatively far and restrictions have started to ease. However, for countries where vaccination rates remain low and new variations of the virus is spreading, the downside risk is still very present, and forecasts contain much uncertainty.

 Figure 4. GDP-growth

Vaccination challenges

Since immunization plays such a central role in re-opening the economy and society going back to normal, issues related to vaccinations were an important and recurring topic at the event. The variation in progress and speed is substantial across the countries, though.

Ukraine and Georgia are still facing big challenges with vaccine availability and have fully vaccinated only 1.3% and 2.3% of the population by the end of June, respectively. Vaccination rates have in the recent month started to pick up, but both countries face an uphill battle before reaching levels close to the more successful countries.

Figure 5. Percent fully vaccinated

Other countries a bit further ahead in the vaccine race are still facing difficulties in increasing the vaccination coverage, though not so much due to lack of availability but instead because of vaccine skepticism. In Belarus, a country that initially had bottleneck issues similar to Ukraine and Georgia, all citizens have the opportunity to get vaccinated. However, Lev Lvovskiy, Senior Research Fellow at BEROC in Belarus, argued that vaccination rates are still low largely because many Belarusians feel reluctant towards the vaccine at offer (Sputnik V).

This vaccination scepticism turns out to be a common theme in many countries. According to different survey results presented by the participants at the webinar, the percentage of people willing or planning to get vaccinated is 30% in Belarus and 44% in Russia. In Latvia, this number also varies significantly across different groups as vaccination rates are significantly lower among older age cohorts and in regions with a higher share of Russian-speaking residents, according to Sergejs Gubins, Research Fellow at BICEPS in Latvia.

Webinar participants discussed potential solutions to these issues. First, there seemed to be consensus that offering people the opportunity to choose which vaccine they get will likely be effective in increasing the uptake rate. Second, governments need to improve their communication regarding the benefits of vaccinations to the public. Several countries in the region, such as Poland and Belarus, have had statements made by officials that deviate from one another, potentially harming the government’s credibility with regards to vaccine recommendations. In Belarus, there have even been government sponsored disinformation campaigns against particular vaccines. In Latvia, the main problem is rather the need to reach and convince groups who are generally more reluctant to get vaccinated. Iurii Ganychenko, Senior Researcher at KSE in Ukraine, exemplified how Ukraine has attempted to overcome this problem by launching campaigns specifically designed to persuade certain age cohorts to get vaccinated. Natalya Volchkova, Director of CEFIR at NES in Russia, argued that new, more modern channels of information, such as professional influencers, need to be explored and that the current model of information delivery is not working.

Giorgi Papava, Lead Economist at ISET PI in Georgia, suggested that researchers can contribute to solving vaccine uptake issues by studying incentive mechanisms such as monetary rewards for those taking the vaccine, for instance in the form of lottery tickets. 

Labour markets looking forward

Participants at the webinar also discussed how the pandemic has affected labour markets and whether its consequences will bring about any long-term changes.

Regarding unemployment statistics, Michal Myck, the Director of CenEA in Poland, made the important point that some of the relatively low unemployment numbers that we have seen in the region during this pandemic are misleading. This is because the traditional definition of being unemployed implies that an individual is actively searching for work, and lockdowns and other mobility restrictions have limited this possibility. Official data on unemployment thus underestimates the drop in employment that has happened, as those losing their jobs in many cases have left the labour market altogether. We thus need to see how labor markets will develop in the next couple of months as economies open up to give a more precise verdict.

Jesper Roine, Professor at SITE in Sweden, stressed that unemployment will be the biggest challenge for Sweden since its economy depends on high labor force participation and high employment rates. He explained that the pandemic and economic crisis has disproportionately affected the labor market status of certain groups. Foreign-born and young people, two groups with relatively high unemployment rates already prior to the pandemic, have become unemployed to an even greater extent. Many are worried that these groups will face issues with re-entering the labour market as in particular long-term unemployment has increased. At the same time, there have been more positive discussions about structural changes to the labour market following the pandemic. Particularly how more employers will allow for distance work, a step already confirmed by several large Swedish firms for instance.

In Russia, a country with a labour market that allowed for very little distance work before the pandemic, similar discussions are now taking place. Natalya Volchkova reported that, in Russia, the number of vacancies which assumed distance-work increased by 10% each month starting from last year, according to one of Russia’s leading job-search platforms HeadHunter. These developments could be particularly beneficial for the regional development in Russia, as firms in more remote regions can hire workers living in other parts of the country.

Concluding Remarks

It has been over a year since the Covid-19 virus was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization. This webinar highlighted that, though vaccination campaigns in principle have been rolled out across the region, their reach varies greatly, and countries are facing different challenges of re-opening and recovering from the pandemic recession. Ukraine and Georgia have gotten a very slow start to their vaccination effort due to a combination of lack of access to vaccines and vaccine skepticism. Countries like Belarus and Latvia have had better access to vaccines but are suffering from widespread vaccine skepticism, in particular in some segments of the population and to certain vaccines. Russia, which is also dealing with a broad reluctance towards vaccines, is on top of that dealing with a surge in infections caused by the delta-version of the virus.

IMF Economic Outlook suggests that most economies in the region are expected to bounce back in their GDP growth in 2021. While this positive prognosis is encouraging, the webinar reminded us that there is a great deal of uncertainty remaining not only from an epidemiological perspective but also in terms of the medium to long-term economic consequences of the pandemic.

Participants

  • Iurii Ganychenko, Senior Researcher at Kyiv School of Economics (KSE/Ukraine)
  • Sergejs Gubins, Research Fellow at the Baltic International Centre for Economic Policy Studies (BICEPS/ Latvia)
  • Natalya Volchkova, Director of the Centre for Economic and Financial Research at New Economic School (CEFIR at NES/ Russia)
  • Giorgi Papava, Lead Economist at the ISET Policy Institute (ISET PI/ Georgia)
  • Lev Lvovskiy, Senior Research Fellow at the Belarusian Economic Research and Outreach Center (BEROC/ Belarus)
  • Jesper Roine, Professor at the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE / Sweden)
  • Michal Myck, Director of the Centre for Economic Analysis (CenEA / Poland)
  • Anders Olofsgård, Deputy Director of SITE and Associate Professor at the Stockholm School of Economics (SITE / Sweden)

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

Russia Economic Update — Brace for the Covid-19 Impact!

A view of central Moscow City at dawn representing the sudden stop of Russian economy

Russia’s oil dependence will once again contribute to an economic downturn that most certainly will follow the Covid-19 outbreak in Russia as in other countries. The decline in oil prices alone could lead to a drop in GDP of more than 8 percent. On the positive side, Russia manages its macro economy well. However, its fiscal reserves are not unlimited and the recent massive fall in oil prices has not been matched by a similar decline in the ruble exchange rate which means potential extra problems for the budget. Furthermore, monetary policy will have less of a role to play in dealing with this type of crisis. This means that Russia like other countries will face difficult trade-offs in dealing with the crisis at a time when some of the previously announced economic policy changes have not been well received by the public.

Introduction

The corona virus crisis will destroy both lives and economies as it spreads across the globe. Fortunately, the corona virus death toll in Russia so far is relatively modest compared to many other countries, but the economy is most certainly heading for very difficult times. This is (again) due to the fact that the Russian economy is too dependent on the developments of international oil prices (see e.g. Becker, 2016a,b). In recent years, Russia had to deal with two severe declines in oil prices that hit its economy, first in connection with the global financial crises 2008/09, and second, in 2014/15, when there was a fall in oil prices simultaneously with Russia being hit by international sanctions after the illegal annexation of Crimea. Although these episodes were very costly for the Russian economy, they also provided important lessons for policy makers on fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies that come in handy today. They also contributed with data on the relationship between large movements in oil prices and the effects they had on GDP growth in Russia. This is useful at this stage to assess what can happen with the economy after the significant decline in oil prices that has followed in the course of the corona outbreak.

Dramatic Decline in Oil Prices

We still do not know when this crisis will be over, but when it comes to the fall in international oil prices the start has been far more severe than the two crises referred to above. Since the beginning of 2020, oil prices have fallen from around $60/barrel to around $15/barrel or as Figure 1 shows, a barrel is now worth around 25 percent of what it was worth three months ago. Furthermore, prices are rather volatile and will continue to be so and there will most certainly also be periods of sharp increases in oil prices going forward – but the overall result for the year compared to the previous year is most likely a very sharp fall in prices. This decline in oil prices has so far been much more dramatic than the two previous crisis episodes the Russian economy has experienced under Putin as president or prime minister.

Figure 1. Oil price developments in recent crises

Note: This graph is based on the European Brent spot price FOB published by the U.S. Energy Information Administration and the axis shows trading days, so that the graph covers the period from January 1 to March 30. Different qualities of oil of course have different prices, but the patterns shown here are similar for other oil prices as well.

Exchange Rate and Stock Market

As in previous crises, the Russian stock market and exchange rate are following the evolution of oil prices. However, neither the stock market, nor the exchange rate has fallen as rapidly as oil prices. This can be due to many factors, but one likely explanation is that investors think that the decline in oil prices will not last for as long as it has in past crises. Whether this assumption is correct remains to be seen of course, but if oil prices stay low for an extended period, we can expect to see further declines in both the exchange rate and stock market.

Figure 2. Oil prices, exchange rate and stock market

Sources: Oil prices as in Figure 1, the exchange rate from Central Bank of Russia, RTS index from Moscow Stock Exchange.

The fact that the exchange rate this time has “only” depreciated by 20 percent when oil prices have fallen by 70-80 percent means that the oil price measured in rubles has fallen much more dramatically in this crisis compared to the previous ones. In the 2008/09 global financial crisis, the oil price in ruble terms was, in the end, unchanged compared to the start of the crisis. In 2014/15 this was not the case, but the decline in the ruble oil price was a more modest 25 percent compared to the 60 percent drop right now. This has serious implications for the government’s budget which is ruble-based and highly dependent on oil revenues.

Economic Policy

The Russian government now has plenty of experience in dealing with crises. The first lesson after the crisis at the end of the 90s was to have enough fiscal resources to deal with a crisis without having to go to the IMF again. The second lesson came in the global financial crisis when the fixed exchange rate had to be abandoned to avoid depleting the central bank’s international reserves. A prudent fiscal policy backed by the National Wealth Fund and a flexible exchange rate is still the backbone of the macroeconomic policies that can help mitigate the impact of lower oil prices.

The central bank is pursuing inflation targeting and uses a 4 percent inflation rate as the target that guides its policy decisions. The main tool is setting the key interest rate at a rate that will achieve the inflation target. The key interest rate is currently 6 percent, significantly down from the high of 17 percent in January 2015. The central bank states clearly in its monetary policy documents that “Monetary policy lays the groundwork for economic development; however, it cannot be a source of a sustainable rise in economic potential” (see page 6 in Central Bank of Russia, 2020). This implies that the central bank will only lower the key interest rate if inflation falls, not to support growth or try to achieve other, potentially conflicting goals. This is good news for macroeconomic stability but may become an issue of political tension if there is a serious downturn in the economy while inflation remains higher than the target rate.

In mid-2019, the National Wealth Fund was doubled and went from $60 billion to just over $120 billion (Ministry of Finance, 2020). This was done as a one-off transfer of surplus funds from the government’s budget. However, at its peak in the global financial crisis, the combined reserve fund and wealth fund that existed then had assets of over $220 billion but by the start of 2011, the assets were down to $111 billion. In other words, a year and a half into that crisis episode, the government had used an amount from the funds that roughly corresponds to the total amount available in the National Wealth Fund today. The fiscal space is, therefore, less impressive than it may look at a first glace and just burning through the cash in the National Wealth Fund is not a sustainable fiscal policy if this crisis continues a few more months.

Instead, the government will have to plan other measures as soon as the most immediate spending to deal with the crisis is done. This will entail difficult trade-offs since the health system will need increased resources at the same time as households and companies will need support to mitigate the impact from lost jobs and closed businesses in the wake of corona-induced shut-downs rather than the decline in oil prices, so adding to the pressure coming from declining oil prices. Increasing taxes in a time of already depressed purchasing power and profits is also not an appealing option and although there are still tax increases in the pipeline, the government has announced that these will not come in effect this year. Like in many other countries, the Russian government is proposing several measures to support the economy that will be discussed in more detail in a forthcoming FREE policy brief. However, these measures will add to the costs of the government at a time of falling revenues. From an economic perspective, reallocating resources from the military and security sectors to other parts of the economy seems like an obvious choice under these circumstances, but most likely not the outcome of this process given the government’s geopolitical and domestic power ambitions. Again, the fiscal reserves will allow postponing these harder decisions, but if the crisis goes on for some time, alternative measures such as borrowing domestically or internationally will most certainly be discussed also in Russia. However, many governments will be in need of borrowing on international markets going forward and the rates required to access this type of funding may not be very attractive and still force domestic budget reallocations.

Growth Impact of the Oil Price Fall

It is of course too early in the crisis to make very precise forecasts on how the economy will fare in 2020. This will in the end crucially depend on how the Covid-19 pandemic develops and on government responses to the crisis not only in Russia but also in the rest of the world. A partial analysis of the impact of falling oil prices can however be done with the models presented in Becker (2016a) which link changes in oil prices to growth. This paper shows a few alternative specifications that differ in the GDP measure being in dollars or real rubles, and in some other dimensions. All specifications are highly statistically significant and able to explain between 60 and 90 percent of variations in GDP growth in the period 2000-2015. Focusing on the relationship between the percentage change in oil prices and growth in real ruble GDP, the estimated coefficient is 0.14. This implies that for every 10-percentage point drop of oil prices, GDP growth goes down by 1.4 percent. Currently, oil prices have declined by 75 percent since the beginning of the year. However, the model estimates are based on comparing how average oil prices change between years so this is the numbers we need to compute and compare. The average price of Brent oil (which is used in this model) was $64/barrel in 2019 but we obviously do not know what the average oil price will be this year. We therefore need to first “forecast” oil prices for the rest of the year before we can compute the impact on growth. If we make the simple assumption that oil prices stay at the current level and take into account that they were significantly higher the first couple of months this year, the average price would end up being $25/barrel. That would amount to a 60 percent decline in average oil prices between 2019 and 2020. The partial effect of this oil price decline would therefore make Russian real GDP drop by 8.5 percent in 2020. Again, this is the partial effect based on the estimated coefficient in a linear relationship between oil price changes and real GDP growth. In plainer English, we are not looking at the first order effect of closing stores etc. to avoid the virus from spreading but only the additional effect that we think will come from falling oil prices. In addition, the effect this massive decline in oil prices is assumed to have on GDP is derived by a coefficient that is estimated on smaller changes in oil prices and real GDP. Nevertheless, this exercise provides a first, and rather daunting, assessment of what can happen to GDP given the decline in oil prices alone.

Concluding Remarks with OPEC and IEA update

This brief has provided a first assessment of how the Russian economy may be impacted by the massive decline in oil prices that has followed in the course of the corona pandemic. It has shown that the economic downturn this time can be significantly worse than both the 2008/09 and the 2014/15 crises. A base line estimate suggests that GDP may fall by more than 8 percent only because of the fall in oil prices. The above calculation obviously includes neither the impact the health situation will have on companies or households, nor the government’s ability to mitigate the negative consequences. If the other problems the economy is facing as a direct result of the health crisis also lead to a significant decline in supply and demand, Russia could easily see real GDP declining by more than 10 percent in 2020.

Our estimate is an important reminder that Russia’s continued oil dependency is a risk to the economy and its citizens. Now is not the time for ambitious structural and institutional changes to generate growth, but hopefully the urgent crisis period passes without policy makers forgetting the risks the country’s oil dependence entails. They learnt the fiscal and monetary lessons well from past crises, now is the time to learn something new. The most appealing road to sustainable economic growth is still building credible property rights institutions and rule of law in a framework that would make Russia the innovative business-oriented superpower it could be.

A few days after the first version of this brief was published, oil prices started to rise as the OPEC together with Russia started discussions to cut production to support oil prices. A tentative agreement was reached which is supposed to cut production by 10 million barrels per day in May and June, the largest cut in OPEC’s history. Had this movements in prices continued, the forecast for the Russian economy would have been affected. However, this recovery in prices was soon reversed and oil prices started to fall again. The decline continued on April 15 as the International Energy Agency presented a dire forecast of oil demand and stated that this year may be the worst year ever in terms of declining demand. All in all, the price movements that have followed the OPEC meeting and the statements of the IEA do not change the baseline prediction this brief has provided.

References

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes. This brief was first published on April 6, 2020 and then revised on April 15, 2020.

Important Policy Lessons from Swedish-Russian Capital Flows Data

A recent study of capital flows between Sweden and Russia provides many policy lessons that are highly relevant for the current economic situation in Russia. In line with studies on other countries, bilateral FDI flows were more stable than portfolio flows, which is important for a country looking for predictable external sources of funding. However, much of the FDI flows came with trade and growth of the Russian market. The sharp decline in imports and fall in GDP is therefore bad news also when it comes to attracting FDI. The conclusion is (again) that institutional reforms and reengaging with the West are crucial policies to stimulate both the domestic economy and encourage much-needed FDI.

In a recent paper (Becker 2016), I take a detailed look at the trends and nature of bilateral capital flows between Sweden and Russia over that last 15 years. Although the paper focuses on the capital flows of a relatively small country like Sweden with Russia, it sheds some light on more general theoretical and empirical issues associated with FDI and portfolio flows that are highly relevant for Russia today.

Measuring Bilateral FDI

One general qualifier for studies of bilateral capital flows is however the reliability of data; Not only is a significant share of international capital flows routed through offshore tax havens which makes identifying the true country of origin and investment difficult, but also many investing companies are multinationals (MNEs) with operations and shareholders in many countries so it is hard to have a clear definition of what is a “Swedish” or a “Russian” company. In addition, when different official data providers, in this case Statistics Sweden (SCB) and the Central Bank of Russia (CBR), report capital flows on the macro level, there are large discrepancies.

Private companies also gather company level data on FDI that can be aggregated and compared with the macro level FDI data. This data is on gross FDI flows and should not be expected to be the same as the net macro level FDI flows data but is a bit of a “reality check” of the macro data.

Figure 1. Average annual FDI flows

Fig1Sources: SCB, CBR, fDi Market, MergerMarkets

The reported annual average flow of FDI from Sweden to Russia varies from around USD500 million to USD1.2 billion depending on the data source. Russian flows to Sweden are rather insignificant regardless of the source but the different sources do not agree on the sign of the net flows (Figure 1).

The differences between data sources suggest that some caution is warranted when analyzing bilateral FDI flows. With this caveat in mind, there are still some clear patterns in the capital flows data from Sweden to Russia that emerge and carries important policy lessons in the current Russian economic environment.

FDI vs. Portfolio Investments

There is a large literature discussing the distinguishing features of FDI and portfolio flows (see Becker 2016 for a summary). Some of the key macro economic questions include which type of flows provides most international risk sharing; are most stable over time; or most likely to contribute to balance of payments crises when the flows go in reverse. In addition, there are potential differences in terms of the amount of international knowledge transfers and how different types of capital flows respond to institutional factors.

Figure 2. FDI and portfolio investments

Fig2Source: SCB

Figure 2 shows that FDI has been much more stable than portfolio flows in the years prior to and after the global financial crisis as well as in more recent years. Although all types of capital flows respond negatively to poor macroeconomic performance, and the stock of portfolio investments swing around much faster than FDI investments, i.e., portfolio flows go in reverse more easily and can contribute to external crises. This makes FDI a more preferable type of capital flow for Russia.

FDI and Trade Go Together

Since FDI is a desired type of capital flow, it is important to understand its driving forces. The first question to address is whether FDI and trade are substitutes or complements. Since the bulk of FDI comes from MNEs that operate in many countries, we can imagine cases both when FDI supports existing trade and cases when it is aimed at replacing trade by moving production to the country where the demand for the goods is high.

In the case of Sweden and Russia, the macro picture is clear; FDI has increased very much in line with Swedish exports to Russia (Figure 3). Both of these variables are of course closely correlated with the general economic development in Russia, but even so, the very close correlation between FDI and trade over the last 15 years suggests that they are compliments rather than substitutes.

Figure 3. Swedish Exports and FDI to Russia

Fig3Source: SCB

Most FDI is Horizontal

FDI flows are often categorized in terms of the main motivating force for MNEs to engage in cross-border investment: vertical (basically looking for cheaper inputs), horizontal (expanding the customer base), export-platform (producing abroad for export to third countries) or complex (a mix of the other reasons) FDI.

Looking at the sectoral composition of FDI from Sweden to Russia (Figure 4), most investments have come in sectors where it is clear that MNEs are looking to expand their customer base. Even in the case of real estate investments, a large share is IKEA developing new shopping centers that host their own outlets together with other shops. Communication and financial services are also mostly related to service providers looking for new customer. Only a small share is in natural resource sectors that would be more in line with vertical FDI, while there are very few (if any) examples of MNEs moving production to Russia to export to third countries.

Figure 4. Sectors of Swedish FDI to Russia

Fig4Source: SCB

Policy conclusions

The above figures on bilateral capital flows from Sweden to Russia carry three important policy messages: 1) FDI is more stable than portfolio flows; 2) Trade goes hand in hand with FDI; and 3) FDI to Russia has mostly been horizontal and driven by an expanding customer base.

In the current situation where Russia should focus on policies to attract private capital inflows, the goal should be to attract FDI. Instead, the government is now looking for portfolio inflows in the form of a USD3 billion bond issue. But FDI is a more stable type of international capital than portfolio flows and also come with the potential of important knowledge transfers both in terms of new technologies and management practices.

However, as we have seen above, FDI inflows have in the past been correlated with increased trade and an expanding Russian market. In the current environment, where imports with the West declined by 30-40 percent in the last year, GDP fell by around 4 percent, and the drop in consumers’ real incomes have reached double digits in recent months, it is hard to see any macro factors that will drive FDI inflows.

Instead, attracting FDI in this macro environment requires policy changes that remove political and institutional barriers to investments. The first step is to fulfill the Minsk agreement and contribute to a peaceful solution in Ukraine that is consistent with international laws. This would not only remove official sanctions but also provide a very serious signal to foreign investors that Russia plays by the international rulebook and is a safe place for investments from any country.

The second part of an FDI-friendly reform package should address the institutional weaknesses that in the past have reduced both foreign and domestic investments. It is telling that many papers that look at the determinants of FDI flows to transition countries include a ‘Russia dummy’ that is estimated to be negative and both statistically and economically significant (see e.g. Bevan, Estrin and Meyer, 2004 and Frenkel, Funke, and Stadtmann, 2004). One factor that reduces the significance of the ‘Russia dummy’ is related to how laws are implemented. Other studies point to the negative effect corruption has on FDI.

Reducing corruption and improving the rule of law are some of the key reforms that would have benefits far beyond attracting FDI and has been part of the Russian reform discussion for a very long time. It was also part of the reform program that then-President Medvedev presented to deal with the situation in 2009 together with a long list of other structural reforms that would help modernize the Russian economy and society more generally.

As the saying goes, don’t waste a good crisis! It is time that Russia implements these long-overdue reforms and creates the prospering economy that the people of Russia would benefit from for many generations.

References

  • Becker, T, 2016, “The Nature of Swedish-Russian Capital Flows”, SITE Working paper 35, March.
  • Bevan, A, Estrin, S & Meyer, K 2004, “Foreign investment location and institutional development in transition economies”, International Business Review, vol. 13, no. 1, pp.43-64.
  • Frenkel, M, Funke, K & Stadtmann, G 2004, “A panel analysis of bilateral FDI flows to emerging economies”, Economic Systems, vol. 28, no. 3, pp. 281-300.