Location: Ukraine

Next Steps on Russian Oil and Gas Sanctions

20230124 KSE Event

On Tuesday, January 24, at 5 p.m. Kyiv time, KSE Institute will host an online presentation of its research “Next Steps on Russian Oil and Gas Sanctions”.

KSE Institute experts will present five steps to increase pressure on the aggressor’s energy sector. They estimate that these measures – a mix of strengthening existing sanctions and new restrictions – could deprive Russia of $40 billion of oil and gas revenues in 2023.

Currently, European storage facilities hold record volumes of gas, and natural gas prices have returned to pre-war levels. The cost of Russian oil also plummeted after the G7 price cap was implemented and the EU embargo came into effect.

Based on a position of strength, countries of the sanctions coalition should accelerate their complete exit from Russian energy and strengthen sanctions against the aggressor.

The speakers of the event are the authors of the study:

The event will be broadcast online in Zoom. To receive a link and additional materials as well as participate in the following KSE Institute events, please register via Google forms link. 

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed during events and conferences are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

How Should the Reconstruction of Ukraine Be Financed and Organized?

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Did you miss the chance to attend the book launch event “Rebuilding Ukraine: Principles and Policies” presented by Torbjörn Becker, Beatrice Weder di Mauro and Veronika Movchan on 11 January? Watch the recordings to learn more about their framework for Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction co-written together with leading scholars and experts.

On Wednesday, 11 January, 2023, Torbjörn Becker, Beatrice Weder di Mauro and Veronika Movchan presented their framework for Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction from their book “Rebuilding Ukraine: Principles and policies” at the Stockholm School of Economics (SSE). This event was co-organized together with the Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR).

About the Book

This book offers a comprehensive analysis of what Ukraine should become after the war and what tools policymakers can use to fulfill these goals. It provides perspectives from leading scholars and practitioners: each chapter of the book covers a specific sector, but there is a natural overlap across the chapters because Ukraine’s reconstruction should be a comprehensive transformation of the country. With such a complex task, it is important to have a clear vision of the goals. The leitmotif of this book is clear: reconstruction is not about rebuilding Ukraine to the pre-war state, it is about a deep modernization of the country. All critical elements of the economy and society will have to leapfrog and undergo reforms to help Ukraine escape the post-Soviet legacy and become a full-fledged democracy with a modern economy, strong institutions, and a powerful defence sector.

The book repeatedly emphasizes that allies’ aid will be absolutely essential but, to make the reconstruction a true success story, Ukraine’s future should be decided by the Ukrainian people: Ukrainians should own this process. The State is no longer some hostile and alien construct which is there to repress them: people are starting to realize that they need to own it, i.e., protect their rights and fulfill their responsibilities as citizens. Building on the wave of patriotism, establishing mechanisms for genuine citizen participation will help prolong national unity and volunteer enthusiasm of Ukrainians beyond the war, but more importantly, it will ensure the democratic development of the country.

List of Participants

  • Beatrice Weder di Mauro (President at Centre for Economic Policy Research, Professor of International Economics at Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies)
  • Torbjörn Becker (Director of the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics, SITE)
  • Veronika Movchan (Research Director at Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting)
  • Moderator: Anders Olofsgård (Deputy director of SITE)

Event Photos


Photo of Anders Olofsgård as he welcomes participants and guests to the event.


Photo of Beatrice Weder di Mauro as she introduces the overall concept and idea of the book.


Photo of Beatrice Weder di Mauro.


Photo of Torbjörn Becker as he presented the book chapter “Anti-corruption policies in the reconstruction of Ukraine”.


Photo of the audience together with Torbjörn Becker.


From right: Veronika Movchan as she presented the book chapter “International trade and foreign direct investment”.


From left: Torbjörn Becker, Beatrice Weder di Mauro and Anders Olofsgård during the Q&A session.


On screen: Veronika Movchan. At SSE, from left: Torbjörn Becker, Beatrice Weder di Mauro and Anders Olofsgård during the Q&A session.

How to Sustain Support for Ukraine and Overcome Financial and Political Challenges | SITE Development Day 2022

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This policy brief explores how Europe and global partners can sustain support for Ukraine’s reconstruction following Russia’s invasion. Drawing from expert discussions at SITE Development Day 2022, it highlights strategies for rebuilding Ukraine’s economy, democracy, and energy infrastructure.

Introduction

The Russian war on Ukraine has turmoiled Europe into its first war in decades and while the effects of the war are harshly felt in Ukraine with lives lost and damages amounting, Europe and the rest of the world are also being severely affected. This policy brief shortly summarizes the presentations and discussions at the SITE Development Day Conference, held on December 6, 2022. The main focus of the conference was how to maintain and organize support for Ukraine in the short and long run, with the current situation in Belarus and the region and the ongoing energy crisis in Europe, also being addressed. 

War in Ukraine, Oppression in Belarus

Starting off the conference, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Leader of the Belarusian Democratic Forces, delivered a powerful speech on the necessity of understanding the role of Belarus in the ongoing war in Ukraine. Tsikhanouskaya argued that Putin’s war on Ukraine was partly a result of the failed Belarusian revolution of 2020. The following oppression, torture, and mass arrestations of Belarusians is a consequence of Lukashenka’s and Putin’s fear of a free Belarus, a Belarus that is no longer in the hands of Putin – who sees not only Belarus but also Ukraine as colonies in his Russian empire. Amidst the fight for Ukraine, we must also fight for a free Belarus, Tsikhanouskaya added. Not only Belarusians fighting alongside Ukrainians against Russia in Ukraine, but also other parts of the Belarusian opposition need support from the free and democratic world and the EU. The massive crackdowns on opponents of the Belarusian regime today and the war on Ukraine are not only acts of violence, but they are also acts against democracy and freedom. The world must therefore continue to give support to those fighting in both Belarus and Ukraine. Ukraine will never be free unless Belarus is free, Tsikhanouskaya concluded.

Johan Forssell, Minister of Foreign Trade and International Development Cooperation continued Tsikhanouskaya’s words on how the Russian attack must be seen and treated as a war on democracy and the free world. Belarus, Moldova and especially Ukraine will receive further support from Sweden, Forssell continued, adding that the Swedish support to Ukraine has more than doubled since the invasion in February 2022. Support must however not be given only in economic terms and consequently Sweden fully supports Ukraine on its path to EU-membership, which will be especially emphasized during Sweden’s upcoming EU-presidency.  Support for the rule of law, democracy and freedom will continue to be essential and, in the forthcoming reconstruction of Ukraine, these aspects – alongside long term sustainable and green solutions – must be integrated, Forssell continued. Forssell also mentioned the importance of reducing the global spillover effects from the war. In particular, Forssell mentioned how the war has struck countries on the African continent, already hit with drought, especially hard with increased food prices and increased inflation, displaying the vital role Ukrainian grain exports play.

Andrij Plachotnjuk, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the Kingdom of Sweden, further talked about the need for rebuilding a better Ukraine, emphasizing the importance of involvement from Kiyv School of Economics (KSE) and other intellectuals and businesses in this process. Plachotnjuk also pinpointed what many others would come to repeat during the day; that resources, time and efforts devoted to supporting Ukraine must be maintained and persevered in the longer perspective.

Economic Impacts From the War and How the EU and Sweden Can Provide Support

During the first half of the conference, the Ukrainian economy and how it can be supported by the European Union was also discussed. On link from Kiyv, Tymofiy Mylovanov, President of the Kyiv School of Economics, shared the experiences of the University during wartime and presented the work KSE has undertaken so far – and how this contributes to an understanding of the damages and associated costs. Since the invasion, KSE has supported the government in three key areas; 1) Monitoring the Russian economy, 2) Analyzing what sanctions are relevant and effective, and 3) Estimating the cost of damages from the war. For the latter, KSE is collaborating with the World Bank using established methods of damage assessment including crowd sourced information on damages complemented with images taken by satellites and drones. According to Mylovanov, the damage assessment is crucial in order to counter Russia’s claims of a small conflict and to remind the international community of the high price Ukraine is paying to hold off Russia.

The economic impact from the war was further accentuated during the presentation by Yulia Markuts, Head of the Centre of Public Finance and Governance Analysis at the Kyiv School of Economics. Markuts explained how the Ukrainian national budget as of today is a “wartime budget”. Since February 2022, the budget has been reoriented with defense and security spending having increased 9 times compared to 2021, whereas only the most pressing social expenditures have been implemented. This in a situation where the Ukrainian GDP has simultaneously decreased by 30 percent. Although there has been a substantial inflow of foreign aid, in the form of grants and loans, the Ukrainian budget deficit for 2023 is estimated to 21 percent. Part of the uncertainty surrounding the Ukrainian budget stems from the fact that the inflow from the donor community is irregular, prompting the government to cover budget deficits through the National Bank which fuels inflation and undermines the exchange rate. Apart from the large budget posts concerning military spending, major infrastructural damages are putting further pressure on the Ukrainian budget in the year to come, Markuts continued. As of November 2022, the damages caused by Russia to infrastructure in Ukraine amounted to 135,9 billion US Dollars, with the largest damages having occurred in the Kiyv and Donetsk regions, as depicted in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Ukrainian regions most affected by war damages, as of November 2022.

Map showing the ten most affected regions in Ukraine from destruction and damage to housing stock as of November 2022, highlighting areas like Donetsk, Luhansk, and Kharkiv — essential data for reconstruction support Ukraine.

Source: Kiyv School of Economics

The infrastructural damages constitute a large part of the estimated needed recovery support for Ukraine, together with losses to the state and businesses amounting to over one trillion US Dollars. However, such estimates do not cover the suffering the Ukrainian people have encountered from the war.

The large need for steady support was discussed by Fredrik Löjdquist, Centre Director of the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies (SCEEUS), who argued the money needs to be seen as an investment rather than a cost, and that we at all times need to keep in mind what the consequences would be if the support for Ukraine were to fizzle out. Löjdquist, together with Cecilia Thorfinn, Team leader of the Communications Unit at the Representation of the European Commission in Sweden, also emphasized how the reconstruction should be tailored to fit the standards within the European Union, given Ukraine’s candidacy status. Thorfinn further stressed that the reconstruction must be a collective effort from the international community, although led by Ukraine. The EU is today to a large extent providing their financial support to Ukraine through the European Investment Bank (EIB). Jean-Erik de Zagon, Head of the Representation to Ukraine at the EIB, briefly presented their efforts thus far in Ukraine, efforts that have mainly been aimed at rebuilding key infrastructure. Since the war, the EIB has deployed an emergency package of 668 million Euro and 1,59 billion for the infrastructure financing gap. While all member states need to come together to ensure continued support for Ukraine, the EIB is ready to continue playing a key role in the rebuilding of Ukraine and to provide technical assistance in the upcoming reconstruction, de Zagon said. This can be especially fruitful as the EIB already has ample knowledge on how to carry out projects in Ukraine.

During a panel discussion on how Swedish support has, can and should continuously be deployed, Jan Ruth, Deputy Head of the Unit for Europe and Latin America at Sida, explained Sida’s engagement in Ukraine and the agency’s ambition to implement a solid waste management project. The project, in line with the need for a green and environmentally friendly rebuild, is today especially urgent given the massive destructions to Ukrainian buildings which has generated large amounts of construction waste. Karin Kronhöffer, Director of Strategy and Communication at Swedfund, also accentuated the need for sustainability in the rebuild. Swedfund invests within the three sectors of energy and climate, financial inclusion, and sustainable enterprises, and hash previously invested within the energy sector in Ukraine. Swedfund is also currently engaged in a pre-feasibility study in Ukraine which would allow for a national emergency response mechanism. Representing the business side, Andreas Flodström, CEO and founder of Beetroot, shared some experiences from founding and operating a tech company in Ukraine for the last 10 years. According to Flodström there will, apart from a huge need in investments in infrastructure, also be a large need for technical skills in the rebuild. Keeping this in mind, bootcamp style educations are a necessity as they provide Ukrainians with essential skills to rebuild their country.

A recurring theme in both panel discussions was how the reconstruction requires both public and private foreign investments. Early on, as the war continues, public investments will play the dominant part, but when the situation becomes more stable, initiatives to encourage private investments will be important. The potential of using public resources to facilitate private investments through credit guarantees and other risk mitigation strategies was brought up both at the European and the Swedish level, something which has also been emphasized by the new Swedish government.

Impacts From the War Outside of Ukraine – Energy Crisis and Other Consequences in the Region

The conference also covered the effects of the war outside of Ukraine, initially keying in on the consequences from the war on energy supply and prices in Europe. Chloé Le Coq, Professor of Economics, University Paris-Pantheon-Assas (CRED) & SITE, gave a presentation of the current situation and the short- and long-term implications. Le Coq explained that while the energy market is in fact functioning – displaying price increases in times of scarcity – the high prices might lead to some consumers being unable to pay while some energy producers are making unprecedented profits. The EU has successfully undertaken measures such as filling its gas storage to about 95 percent (goal of 80 percent), reducing electricity usage in its member countries, and by capping market revenues and introducing a windfall tax. While the EU is thus appearing to fare well in the short run, the reality is that EU has increased its coal dependency and paid eight times more in 2022 to fill its gas storage (primarily due to the imports of more costly Liquified Natural Gas, LNG). In the long run, these trends are concerning, given the negative environmental externalities from coal usage and the market uncertainty when it comes to the accessibility and pricing of LNG. Uncertainties and new regulations also hinder investments signals into new low-carbon technologies, Le Coq concluded. Bringing an industrial perspective to the topic, Pär Hermerèn, Senior advisor at Jernkontoret, highlighted how the energy crisis is amplified by the increased electricity demand due to the green transition. Given the double or triple upcoming demand for electricity, Hermerèn, referred back to the investment signals, saying Sweden might run the risk of losing market shares or even seeing investment opportunities leave Sweden. This aspect was also highlighted by Lars Andersson, Senior advisor at Swedenergy, who, like Hermerèn, also saw the Swedish government’s shift towards nuclear energy solutions. Andersson stated the short-term solution, from a Swedish perspective, to be investments into wind power, urging policy makers to be clear on their intentions in the wind power market.

Other major impacts from the war relate to migration, a deteriorating Belarusian economy and security concerns in Georgia. Regarding the latter, Yaroslava Babych, Lead economist at ISET Policy Institute, Georgia, shared the major developments in Georgia post the invasion. While the Georgian economic growth is very strong at 12 percent, it is mainly driven by the influx of Russian money following the migration of about 80 000 Russians to Georgia. This has led to a surge in living costs and an appreciation of the local currency (the Lari) of 12,6 percent which may negatively affect Georgian exports. Additionally, it may trigger tensions given the recent history between the countries and the generally negative attitudes towards Russians in Georgia. Michal Myck, Director at CenEa, Poland, also presented migration as a key challenge. While the in- and outflow of Ukrainian refugees to Poland is today balanced, the majority of those seeking refuge in Poland are women and children and typically not included in the workforce. To ensure successful integration and to avoid massive human capital losses for Ukraine, Myck argued education is key, pointing to the lower school enrollment rates among refugee children living closer to the Ukrainian border. Apart from the challenges posed by the large influx of Ukrainian in the last year, the Polish economy is also hit by high energy prices, fuel shortages and increasing inflation. Lev Lvovskiy, Research fellow at BEROC, Belarus, painted a similar but grimmer picture of the current economic situation in Belarus. Following the invasion, all trade with Ukraine has been cut off, while trade with Russia has increased. Belarus is facing sanctions not only following the war, but also from 2020, and the country is in recession with GDP levels dropping every month since the invasion. Given the political and economic situation, the IT sector has shrunk, companies oriented towards the EU has left the country and real salaries have decreased by 5 percent. At the same time, the policy response is to introduce price controls and press banknotes.

Consequences of War: An Academic Perspective

The later part of the afternoon was kicked off by a brief overview of the FREE Network’s research initiatives on the links between war and certain development indicators. Pamela Campa, Associate Professor at SITE, presented current knowledge on the connection between war and gender, with a focus on gender-based violence. Sexual violence is highly prevalent in armed conflict and has been reported from both sides in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions since 2014 and during the ongoing war, with nearly only Russian soldiers as perpetrators. Apart from the direct threats of sexual violence during ongoing conflict and fleeing women and children risking falling victims to trafficking, intimate partner violence (IPV) has been found to increase post conflict, following increased levels of trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). While Ukrainian policy reforms have so far strengthened the response to domestic violence there is still a need for more effective criminalization of domestic violence, as the current limit for prosecution is 6 months from the date crime is committed. An effective transitional justice system and expertise on how to support victims of sexual violence in conflict, alongside economic safety measures undertaken to support women and children fleeing, are key policy concepts Campa argued. Coming back to the broader topic of gender and war, Campa highlighted the need for involvement of women in peace talks and negotiations, something research suggests matter for both equality, representativeness, and efficiency.

Providing insights into the relationship between the environment and war, Julius Andersson, Assistant Professor at SITE, initially summarized how climate change may cause conflict along four channels: political instability and crime rates increasing as a consequence of higher temperatures, scarcity of natural resources and environmental migration. Conflict might however also cause environmental degradation in the form of loss of biodiversity, pollution and making land uninhabitable. As for the negative impact from the war in Ukraine, Andersson highlighted how fires from the war has caused deforestation affecting the ecosystems, that rivers in conflict struck areas in Ukraine and the Sea of Azov are being polluted from wrecked industries (including the Azovstal steelworks) and lastly that there is a real threat of radiation given the four major nuclear plants in Ukraine being targeted by Russian forces. Coming back to a topic mentioned earlier during the day, Andersson also emphasized potential conflict spillovers into other parts of the world due to the war’s impact on food and fertilizer prices.

Concluding the session, Jonathan Lehne, Assistant Professor at SITE, reviewed how war and democracy is tied to one another, highlighting that while studies have found that democracies per se are not necessarily less conflict prone, it is still the case that democratic countries almost never fight each other. As for the microlevel takeaways from previous research, it appears as if individuals and communities having experienced violence and casualties actually reap a democratic dividend in some respects, such as greater voting participation. On the other hand, while areas with a large refugee influx also experience an increased voter turnout, voting for right-wing parties also increase with politicians exploiting this in their communication.

Book Launch – Reconstruction of Ukraine: Principles and Policies

The Development Day was also guested by Ilona Sologoub, Scientific Editor at VoxUkraine, Tatyana Deryugina, Associate Professor of Finance at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and Torbjörn Becker, Director of SITE, who presented their newly released book “Reconstruction of Ukraine: Principles and policies”. Sologoub started off by giving an overview of the mainly economic topics covered in the book and pointing out that the main purpose of the book is to inform policy makers about the present situation and to suggest needed reforms and investments. Becker outlined the four key principles recommended to stem corruption during reconstruction; 1) Remove opportunities for corruption and rent extraction, 2) Focus on transparency and monitoring of the whole reconstruction effort, 3) Make information and education an integral part of the anti-corruption effort, and 4) Set up legal institutions that are trusted when corruption does occur. Deryugina focused on the energy sector and related back to what had previously been discussed throughout the day, the need to “build-back-better”. Deryugina mentioned that Ukraine, previously heavily reliant on coal and gas imports from Russia, now have the opportunity to steer away from low energy efficiency and bottleneck issues, towards becoming a European natural gas hub. The book is available for free here. There will also be a book launch on the 11th of January 2023 at Handelshögskolan.

Concluding Remarks

Via link from Kyiv, Nataliia Shapoval, Head of KSE Institute and Vice President for Policy Research at Kyiv School of Economics closed the conference by emphasizing the urgency of continued education of Ukrainians in Ukraine and elsewhere to avoid loss of Ukrainian human capital. Shapoval also stressed how universities can act as thinktanks, support policy makers in Ukraine and Europe to come up with effective sanctions against Russia and provide a deeper understanding of the current situation – a situation which will linger and in which Ukraine needs continued full support.

This year’s SITE Development Day conference gave an opportunity to discuss the need for continued support for Ukraine and the implications from the war in a global, European, and Swedish perspective. Representatives from the political, public, private and academic sectors contributed with their insights into the challenges and possibilities at hand, providing greater understanding of how the support can be sustained, with the goal of a soon end to the war and a successful rebuild of Ukraine.

List of Participants in Order of Appearance

  • Anders Olofsgård, Deputy Director at SITE
  • Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Leader of the Belarusian Democratic Forces
  • Johan Forssell, Minister of Foreign Trade and International Development Cooperation
  • Andrij Plachotnjuk, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the Kingdom of Sweden
  • Tymofiy Mylovanov, President of the Kyiv School of Economics (on link from Kyiv)
  • Yuliya Markuts, Head of the Centre of Public Finance and Governance Analysis, Kyiv School of Economics
  • Jean-Erik de Zagon, Head of the Representation to Ukraine at the European Investment Bank
  • Cecilia Thorfinn, Team leader of the Communications Unit at the Representation of the European Commission in Sweden
  • Fredrik Löjdquist, Centre Director of the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies (SCEEUS)
  • Jan Ruth, Deputy Head of the Unit for Europe and Latin America at Sida
  • Karin Kronhöffer, Director of Strategy and Communication at Swedfund
  • Andreas Flodström, CEO and founder of Beetroot
  • Chloé Le Coq, Professor of Economics, University Paris-Pantheon-Assas (CRED) & SITE
  • Lars Andersson, Senior advisor at Swedenergy
  • Pär Hermerèn, Senior advisor at Jernkontoret
  • Ilona Sologoub, VoxUkraine scientific editor (on link)
  • Tatyana Deryugina, Associate Professor of Finance at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (on link)
  • Torbjörn Becker, Director at SITE
  • Michal Myck, Director at CenEa, Poland
  • Yaroslava Babych, Lead economist at ISET Policy Institute, Georgia
  • Lev Lvovskiy, Research fellow at BEROC, Belarus
  • Pamela Campa, Associate Professor at SITE
  • Julius Andersson, Assistant Professor at SITE
  • Jonathan Lehne, Assistant Professor at SITE
  • Nataliia Shapoval, Head of KSE Institute and Vice President for Policy Research at Kyiv School of Economics (on link)

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

Further Reading on Support for Ukraine’s Reconstruction and Post-Conflict Recovery

Additional analyses related to Ukraine’s reconstruction, European security, and post-conflict policy are available in the following reports and policy briefs:

Related publications addressing European policy toward Eastern Europe, post-conflict recovery economics, and the energy crisis in Europe further contribute to understanding the broader geopolitical and economic dimensions of the war’s impact. For comprehensive research and expert insights on Ukraine’s reconstruction, European aid, and post-war recovery, explore the FREE Network policy briefs under the Ukraine and Russo-Ukrainian War categories.

How Should the Reconstruction of Ukraine be Financed and Organized?

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Join us for the launch of the new book “Rebuilding Ukraine: Principles and Policies”, co-authored by leading scholars and experts, including Torbjörn Becker, Beatrice Weder di Mauro, and Veronika Movchan. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction and offers valuable insights into the tools and policies needed for a successful transformation.

About the Book:

  • Comprehensive Analysis: The book delves into what Ukraine should become after the war, emphasizing the need for a holistic transformation.
  • Sector-Specific Insights: Each chapter addresses different sectors, highlighting the interconnection required for a thorough reconstruction.
  • Modernization Focus: The book argues for a deep modernization of Ukraine, aiming to leapfrog the post-Soviet legacy and establish a modern economy with strong institutions and a powerful defense sector.
  • Ukrainian Ownership: It stresses the importance of Ukrainians owning the reconstruction process, supported by international aid but driven by local initiative and citizen participation.

Event Speakers:

  • Beatrice Weder di Mauro: President at Centre for Economic Policy Research, Professor of International Economics at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies.
  • Torbjörn Becker: Director of the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE).
  • Veronika Movchan: Research Director at the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting.

Moderator:

  • Anders Olofsgård: Deputy Director of SITE.

Program

15:45-16:00 – Doors open at room KAW
16:00-17:30 
– Presentations by Torbjörn Becker, Beatrice Weder di Mauro and Veronika Movchan. Followed by a panel discussion moderated by Anders Olofsgård.
17:30-18:30 – Networking outside room KAW

Registration:

  • In-Person Attendance: Register Here
  • Online Attendance: Register Here

A confirmation email will be sent shortly after registration. If you do not receive it within 10 minutes, please check your SPAM folder.

For any questions regarding the event, please contact us at site@hhs.se.

Why Did Putin Invade Ukraine? A Theory of Degenerate Autocracy

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On December 14, 2022, the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) invited Professor Konstantin Sonin, University of Chicago Harris School of Public Policy, for a seminar discussion about the Russian invasion of Ukraine, non-democratic regimes and degenerate autocracy.

Research

Many, if not most, personalistic dictatorships end up with a disastrous, suicidal decision such as Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union, Hirohito’s government launching a war against the United States, or Putin’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Even if the disastrous decision is not ultimately fatal for the regime such as Mao’s Big Leap Forward or the Pol Pot’s collectivization drive, they typically involve monumental miscalculation and lack of competence. We offer a theory of non-democratic regimes, in which the need for regime security dictates, in difficult circumstances, the replacement of technocrats by incompetent loyalists, leading, in turn, to disastrous decisions.

Video Recording

In case you missed the event, watch the recordings to learn more about the research paper.

Why Did Putin Invade Ukraine? A Theory of Degenerate Autocracy

Screenshot 2022-12-14 at 14.55.45

On December 14, 2022, the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) and the FREE Network will host a seminar with Konstantin Sonin who will discuss the disastrous decisions made by dictators in the past and present.

Paper Presented in the Seminar

Many, if not most, personalistic dictatorships end up with a disastrous, suicidal decision such as Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union, Hirohito’s government launching a war against the United States, or Putin’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Even if the disastrous decision is not ultimately fatal for the regime such as Mao’s Big Leap Forward or the Pol Pot’s collectivization drive, they typically involve monumental miscalculation and lack of competence. We offer a theory of non-democratic regimes, in which the need for regime security dictates, in difficult circumstances, replacement of technocrats by incompetent loyalists, leading, in turn, to disastrous decisions.

About the Speaker

Konstantin Sonin is John Dewey Distinguished Service Professor at the University of Chicago Harris School of Public Policy. His research interests include political economics, development, and economic theory. His papers have been published in leading academic journals in economics and political science.

Konstantin Sonin earned MSc and PhD in mathematics from Moscow State University and MA in economics at Moscow’s New Economic School (NES), was a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University’s Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, a member of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, a visiting professor at the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern, and served on the faculty of NES and HSE University in Moscow. In addition to his academic work, Sonin has been writing columns and Op-Eds and a blog on Russian political and economic issues.

Registration

The event will take place in room Ragnar at SSE, Bertil Ohlins gata 5, 113 50 Stockholm. The event will also be streamed online via Zoom for those who cannot join the event in person. Please register via the Trippus platform (here). A confirmation email will be sent to you within a few minutes. If you have not received the confirmation email within 10 minutes, please check your SPAM folder.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed during events and conferences are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

The Belarusian Currency Market During War in Ukraine: Hidden Problems and New Trends

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Belarus has faced unprecedented sanctions during the last year and the new economic conditions have led to a GDP decline and inflation growth. At the same time, the situation on the currency market has been stable since April 2022. The Belarusian Ruble demonstrated a gradual appreciation to the US Dollar and the Euro and a decline to the Russian Ruble. The appreciation of the Belarusian Ruble against the US Dollar has given households the illusion that the economic situation is not that bad. This brief analyses the main factors of the current situation on the currency market as well as describes the challenges which might destabilise the market. The importance of changing selected currencies in the currency basket and the start of a reorientation of the Belarusian economy from Western to Eastern partnerships, are also described.

The National Bank of the Republic of Belarus’ Policy on the Currency Market

In Belarus, currency has always played an important role as an indicator of economic stability. Household’s reactions to sharp fluctuations of the Belarusian Ruble have been expressed in an immediate demand growth for foreign currency (US Dollar and Euro mostly). After the war in Ukraine started and the exchange rate of the Belarusian Ruble began declining, people tried to make currency deposits from banks and buy foreign currency. In contrast to the Central Bank of Russia, the National Bank of the Republic of Belarus (NBRB) introduced no restrictions on the currency market. However, Belarusian financial institutions imposed their own limits on carrying out non-cash exchange operations, cash withdrawals from ATMs and from bank accounts. Financial institutions also limited the availability of currencies in exchange offices and imposed limits on payment transactions by credit card outside of Belarus. All these processes took place under the condition of a sharp devaluation of the Russian Ruble.

The dynamics in the Russian Ruble have affected the Belarusian Ruble fluctuation (see Figure 1). The correlation between the currencies was strong even before the war, given that the Russian Federation is a dominant economic partner for Belarus, and has since become stronger.

The share of Russian Ruble in the Belarusian currency basket is at 50 percent. Moreover, in Q1-Q3 2022 the Belarusian dependency on the Russian economy increased in the aftermath of losing the Ukrainian market and facing European export shortages. Between January and August 2022, the share of export of goods to CIS countries (where the main share of exports goes to Russia) was 65,7 percent, as compared to 58,4 percent for the corresponding months in 2021. The same tendencies are apparent when considering the import of goods. The share of import from CIS countries reached 64,7 percent between January and August in 2022, as compared to 61,3 percent for January-August in 2021 (BSCBR, 2022).

Figure 1. The weighted average exchange rate of the Belarusian Ruble, in Belarusian Rubles.

Source: Statistical Bulletin #9 (279) 2022.

Sanctions and the Russian Central Bank’s policy have led to a stabilisation on the Russian currency market. The Central Bank of Russia has introduced restrictions on capital outflow from the country, limited cash withdrawals from bank accounts and foreign currency purchases in exchange offices (Tinkoff, 2022). The cancelation of budget rule has further supported the Russian Ruble exchange rate. But the main reason for the Russian currency exchange rate reversal post March 2022, relates to the situation regarding foreign trade. Due to sanctions, imports had significantly decreased. At the same time, high energy prices allowed for export growth. Between January and June 2022 Russia displayed a high positive trade balance (169,62 billion USD), the largest in the last 7 years (CBR, 2022). As a result of sanctions, the Central Bank of Russia started to prepare the market to work with currencies of friendly countries.

Similar tendencies can be seen in Belarus. NBRB has changed the composition of the foreign currency trade to turn the Belarusian economy from a Western to an Eastern direction regarding economic cooperation. In July 2022 the Chinese Yen was included in the currency basket. At the same time the share of Russian Ruble was at 50 percent, the US Dollar at 30 percent, the Euro at 10 percent and the Chinese Yen at 10 percent. In August 2022, the NBRB began to define daily exchange rates for the Vietnamese Dong, Brazilian Real, Indian Rupee and UAE Dirham. Finally, since October 2022, the exchange rate for the Qatari Riyal has been defined on a monthly basis (The National Bank of Belarus, 2022). These changes are indicators of ongoing and planned structural changes to the economy to accommodate increased cooperation with the Eastern economies.

Currency Market Stabilisation and Current Risks

The Belarusian Ruble has not repeated the fluctuation of the Russian currency. It did however copy its tendency to appreciate to the US Dollar and the Euro, as of April 2022. Besides the appreciation of the Russian Ruble and personal bank’s restrictions on national currency markets, the stabilisation of the Belarusian Ruble can be explained by the positive trade balance. In contrast to Russia, the growth of net export in Belarus was due to a faster decline of imports than exports. There are several reasons why this can be a problem for currency market stabilisation in the future.

First, Belarus’ foreign trade has become more and more oriented toward the Russian market. If the main trade partner experiences difficulties (for example, oil price caps) this could lead to a devaluation of the Russian Ruble and, as a result, declining competitiveness of Belarusian goods on the Russian market.

Second, reorientation of Belarusian exports from Western to Eastern countries require time and additional financial resources and exports are not always profitable due to high logistical costs. Any additional sanctions may further limit such opportunities.

Third, main export-oriented services, such as the Transport and ICT sectors, are affected by sanctions and their consequences. In Q3 2022, the transport turnover was equal to 68,3 percent, as compared to the same period 2021. The ICT sector is still having a positive impact on GDP growth. However, in January-September 2021 the positive contribution from this sector to the Belarusian GDP was 0,9 percent, while it between January and September 2022 was only 0,2 percent.

Recent success in foreign trade is mostly due to the continuation of selling potash, nitrogen fertilisers and other products on the global market, a strong Russian Ruble and Russian market openness towards Belarusian companies, low levels of Belarusian imports, and cheap Russian gas (the special price for Belarus is 128 US Dollars for 1000 cubic meters). If the terms of trade with Russia worsen and key export-oriented industries suffer from sanctions and reputational risks, the currency market could however be destabilised.

Another problem for the Belarusian Ruble stability in the middle and long term is related to household behaviour. In January-August 2022 Belarusians sold more foreign currency than they bought. Despite the Ruble fluctuation, the high levels of net sales in March was due to bank restrictions. In June, the net purchase was related to seasonal factors (see Figure 2). For the other months of the period the net selling can be explained by a stable situation on the currency market and real incomes declining. People sold currency in an attempt to maintain their previous standards of living.

Figure 2. Balance of purchase and sale of foreign currency by households (+ “net purchase”, – “net sale”), mln. USD.

Source: Based on data from the National Bank of Belarus.

In September-October 2022 Belarusian households bought more than (an equivalent of) 300 mln. USD on net basis, primarily in USD or Euro, which is very unusual for the Belarusian market situation. There are several possible explanations for such behaviour:

  1. Despite difficulties with obtaining visas Belarusians are going to Poland and other European countries to shop. Because of sanctions, retaliatory sanctions as well as a high price control on the domestic market, the range of goods has shrunk, and prices have risen. In European countries Belarusians can purchase much cheaper goods both for personal use and for resale.
  2. Partial mobilisation in Russia has increased the uncertainty of further political steps in Belarus. Households thus purchase foreign currency to establish an extra safety cushion.
  3. In Q3 2022 there was a net cash outflow on international remittances, for the first time since 2017. Traditionally, Belarus has seen a net inflow of foreign remittances. In 2022 Belarusian banks were switched off from the SWIFT system which incurred problems with operations in foreign currencies for banks under sanctions. As a result, cash inflow has declined (see Figure 3). Cash outflows however remained on the same level as in previous years. This can be explained by high-level specialists and people employed within ICT leaving the country. During relocation people have sold apartments and cars and exchanged accumulated incomes from Belarusian Rubles to US Dollars or Euros and sent to foreign bank accounts (even under the conditions of facing difficulties with conducting money transfers).

Figure 3. Net cash inflow (+)/ outflow (-) for international remittances, USD mln.

Source: Based on data from the National Bank of Belarus.

Maintaining the trend of net currency purchase together with possible trade balance deterioration may exacerbate the situation on the domestic currency market. Another risk to the currency market stability is posed by the insufficient size of FX reserves (in the amount of less than 3 months of import). Moreover, the 900 mln. US Dollars in reserves, given by the IMF in 2021 as support to fight Covid-19, can’t be used as this financial support is given in the form of SDR (Special Drawing Rights), and the exchange of SDR to US Dollars or other currencies is challenging due to sanctions (Congress, 2022).

At the same time, the Government’s decision to make external debt payments in Belarusian Rubles supports the FX reserves level. It has also been decided that payments on Eurobonds to the Nordic Investment Bank, the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development and the International Bank of Reconstruction and Development are to be paid in Rubles. These decisions have decreased the country’s long-term rating on foreign liabilities to the Restricted Default level. In that sense, short-term gains can lead to significant financial losses in the long term. In the future it will be necessary not only to pay outstanding debts but also to improve Belarus’ reputation on the international financial market. Today, the Russian Federation is the main investor in the Belarusian economy. But since its support is limited, it is likely to be insufficient for the safe functioning of the Belarusian economy.

Conclusion

The stability of the Belarusian currency market is not the result of economic success, but rather a reflection of the tightening of the economy. The appreciation of the Belarusian Ruble to the US Dollar and Euro has taken place during an accelerated reduction in Belarusian imports. At the same time the weakness of the Belarusian currency to the Russian Ruble entails competitiveness of Belarusian products on the Russian market. Foreign exchange reserves, although insufficient, have maintained in size due to the low demand for foreign currency and foreign debt payments in Belarusian Rubles. Disruptions to economic and political relations with Western countries stimulates the Belarusian authorities to reorient the economy towards Eastern partners, which has led to a modification of the currency basket composition. In the long run, the current stability of the Belarusian currency can quickly disappear in case one or several risks are realised. If the Russian Ruble devaluates or trade balance deteriorates and demand for foreign currency increases, the stability of the Belarusian Ruble exchange rate can be ruined.

References

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

Maintaining and Organizing Continued Support for Ukraine: An EU and Swedish Perspective | SITE 2022 Development Day

20221125 Maintaining and Organizing Continued Support for Ukraine

The event will host more than 20 distinguished speakers from the European Commission, the European Investment Bank, Sida, Swedfund, Swedenergy, Kyiv School of Economics, VoxUkraine, the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies and other organisations and companies.

About the Event

At the SITE 2022 Development Day conference, speakers will focus on the Russian war on Ukraine and how to maintain strong support for Ukraine from Europe and Sweden. During the conference representatives from the government, public agencies, the private sector, academia, and not least from Ukraine and other countries will discuss:

  • how to organize and finance financial support to Ukraine,
  • what Sweden can do bilaterally and through the EU,
  • how to tackle the energy crisis in Europe,
  • how Ukraine handles the financial stress of the war,
  • and the impact in neighbouring countries.

Also, there will be a presentation of a new book on the situation in Ukraine written by an international group of top economic scholars in the field.

Program

Registration

The conference will take place in the Aula at SSE, Sveavägen 65, 113 83 Stockholm. Please register via the Trippus platform (here). The conference will not be live-streamed.

A confirmation email will be sent to you within a few minutes. If you have not received the confirmation email within 10 minutes, please check your SPAM folder. Please contact site@hhs.se if you have any questions regarding the event.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed during events and conferences are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

A Strategy to Help Ukraine Win the War and Become a Successful Member of the EU

Image of the KSE University simbolizing Ukraine EU Integration Strategy

On Monday, November 7, 2022, the Friends of KSE initiative, together with the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE), organized an important policy event focused on Ukraine’s EU Integration Strategy, exploring how the international community can best support Ukraine’s reconstruction and European future during and after the war.

Key Speakers: Experts on Ukraine’s Path to the EU

The event featured special guests from the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE):

They discussed the current situation in Ukraine, what is required for Ukraine to win the war, and the crucial steps toward becoming a successful EU member state.

Their insights emphasized how Ukraine’s EU integration must go hand in hand with reforms in governance, energy, and education — building the foundation for a resilient post-war economy aligned with European Union standards.

Event Highlights


Photo of Nataliia Shapoval during her presentation.


Photo of Tymofiy Mylovanov during his presentation as he shares his insights and personal experiences of living in a warzone.


From left: Maria Perrotta Berlin and Andreas Umland. Andreas shares his thoughts on how important it is to support Ukraine.


From left: Maria Perrotta Berlin and Torbjörn Becker. Torbjörn talks about sanctions and their importance on Russian energy.


Group photo: (from left) Torbjörn Becker, Andre as Umland, Tymofiy Mylovanov and Nataliia Shapoval.

Organizers are thankful to all the participants who joined online and in person for this event. Special thanks to Tymofiy MylovanovNataliia ShapovalAndreas Umland and Torbjörn Becker for sharing their insights and Maria Perrotta Berlin for her event moderation.

Video Recording

To revisit the video, please watch the event recording on YouTube.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

A Strategy to Help Ukraine Win the War and Become a Successful Member of the EU

20221025-friendsofkse-part2-banner-image-01

The Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) invites you to an event to learn more about the current situation in Ukraine, the sanctions against Russia and how we can support our partner school, the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE).

About the Event

Russia’s fierce military campaign in Ukraine continues, but Ukraine stands their ground as the military tide is turning in their favour. This event will bring you up to date on the situation and what is needed for Ukraine to win the war and become a successful member of the EU. We will also discuss the need for sanctions against Russia to limit the resources available to its war machine and undemocratic leaders.

We will also talk about KSE’s significant contributions to the defence and survival of Ukraine in the war. To date, KSE has raised 37 million US dollar in support of defence and education. Its most recent initiative focuses on building bomb shelters at schools all over Ukraine so that students at all levels can go back to their schools and obtain the education they deserve. Building human capital will be as important as rebuilding physical capital, while the country prepares for its future in the European Union.

While KSE is raising funds to support Ukraine in the war, we started the charitable foundation Friends of KSE in Sweden to support KSE as well as Ukrainian students and academics within and outside Ukraine more generally. Since the event “Support the future of Ukraine” on April 19, 2022, the foundation has raised more than 500 000 Euros and this event will be an opportunity to increase this support.

Special Guests

Special guests will be Tymofiy Mylovanov, President of KSE and former Minister of Economy and Trade in Ukraine, and Nataliia Shapoval, Vice President for Policy Research at KSE and one of the members of the influential Yermak-McFaul international expert group on sanctions.

Comments will be shared by Andreas Umland, an analyst at the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies (SCEEUS) at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs and by Torbjörn Becker, Director of SITE. The discussion will be moderated by Maria Perrotta Berlin, Assistant Professor at SITE.

20221104 FriendsOfKSE Part2_AllSpeakers_v4

Registration

The event will be streamed online via the Zoom platform. Please register via the Trippus platform (here). A confirmation email will be sent to you within a few minutes. If you have not received the confirmation email within 10 minutes, please check your SPAM folder. Please contact site@hhs.se if you have any questions regarding the event.

About the Friends of KSE Initiative

Friends of KSE is a Swedish non-profit (“Ideell förening”) with the purpose to support academics with links to Ukraine and in particular, though not exclusively, those at the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE). This will be done through fundraising and financial as well as intellectual support. The funds raised will only be used to support Ukrainian academics and faculty, staff, and students at KSE. The administrative costs of the association are capped not to exceed 5% of the funds raised. Anyone that wants to support KSE is welcome, and there is also an opportunity to join the association.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed during events and conferences are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.