Location: Sweden
SITE Academic Conference “Transition after 25 years”
The Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) organizes its annual academic conference on the unfinished transition 25 years after the breakup of the Soviet Union.
We are pleased to announce that the conference will be held at the Stockholm School of Economics on December 5-6, 2016. The aims of this conference are to highlight some current research in the broadly defined area of transition economics and to discuss the current state and possible future of the region and the contributions to our understanding of economic and social development from the economics of transition literature.
Among already confirmed speakers are Gerard Roland, Konstantin Sonin, Jeffrey Sachs, Anders Åslund, Ruben Enikolopov, Helena Schweiger, John Earle, Guido Friebel, Ina Ganguli, and Leonid Polischuk.
The number of participants is limited; therefore, we invite you to register for the conference as soon as possible using the Eventbrite form below.
Please find the conference programme below.
The Economic Complexity of Transition Economies
‘Diversification’ is a constant concern of policy-makers in resource rich economies, but measurement of diversification can be hard. The recently formulated Economic Complexity Index (ECI) is a promising predictor of economic development characterizing the overall complexity and diversity of the economy as a system. The ECI is based on the diversity and ubiquity of a country’s exports. This brief uses ECI to discuss the economic diversity of transition economies in the post-Soviet decades, and the relationship between economic diversification and per capita income.
The search for and construction of appropriate predictors of economic development are among the main goals of economists and policy-makers. Education, infrastructure, rule of law, and quality of governance are all among the commonly used indicators based on inputs. The recently formulated Economic Complexity Index (Hidalgo and Hausmann, 2009) is a new promising predictor of economic development characterizing the overall complexity and diversity of the economy as a system.
Indeed, the importance of production and trade diversification for economic development has been highlighted by the economic literature. Numerous studies have found a positive relationship between diversified and complex export structure, income per capita and growth (Cadot et al., 2011; Hesse, 2006; Hausmann et al., 2007). In line with this, Hausmann et al. (2014) demonstrate the predictive properties of the ECI for economic development and GDP per capita, which implies that the ECI can serve as a useful complement to the input-based measures for policy analysis by reasoning from current outputs to future outputs.
This brief uses the ECI to discuss the evolution of economic diversification, its relationship to per capita income in transition economies in the post-Soviet decades, and its policy implications.
How is economic complexity measured?
The economic complexity index (ECI) is a novel measure that reflects the diversity and ubiquity of a country’s exports. The index considers the number of products a country exports with revealed comparative advantage and how many other countries in the world export such goods. If a country exports a high number of goods and few other countries export these products, then its economy is diversified (a wide range of exports products) and sophisticated (only a few other countries are able to export these goods). Thus, the measure tries to capture not a specific aspect of the economy, but rather its overall sophistication.
For example, Japan, Switzerland, Germany and Sweden have been in a varying order at the top of the ranking of the Economic Complexity Index from 2008 until 2013. This means that these countries export a large number of highly sophisticated products.
In contrast, Tajikistan is among the countries at the bottom of the world ranking by the ECI with raw aluminum, raw cotton and ores making up 85% of all Tajikistan’s exports in 2013. However, not only are Tajikistan’s exports concentrated among very few narrow products, these products are also ubiquitous and the ability to export them does not require knowledge and skills that can be used in the production and exports of many other products.
As the index for each country is constructed relative to other countries’ exports, it is comparable over time.
What can we learn from the economic complexity of transition economies?
The economic complexity index can serve as a useful indicator for understanding transition economies in the post-Soviet period. A strong relationship between GDP per capita and economic complexity is found in the sample of transition economies in Figure 1. This figure presents the relationship for the last year for which data is available for the sample of 13 post-Soviet states and Poland. As can be seen in Figure 1, the economic complexity is positively related to income per capita. This is especially true for Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia and Russia, who all have higher than average economic complexity and high levels of per capita income. While Belarus and Ukraine also have diverse and complex economies, they have somewhat lower income per capita than the first group.
Figure 1. Economic Complexity and GDP per capita
Source: Data on GDP per capita is from the World Bank, and the data on the Economic Complexity Index is from the Observatory of Economic Complexity.
Natural resource-rich, or rather, oil-rich countries are the exception from the abovementioned correlation. Most transition countries with below than average economic complexity are characterized by low income per capita levels, except for Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, which are oil-rich countries. Still, the overall picture is straightforward: countries with a complex export structure have a higher level of income.
One of the advantages of a systemic measure like export complexity is its straightforward policy application. The overall diversity and sophistication of the economy can thus be a complementary measure for the assessment of economic progress and development to GDP and GDP per capita, which are more susceptible to the volatile factors such as commodity prices.
Figure 2 shows the development of economic complexity for 14 post-Soviet countries and Poland between 1994 and 2013 (due to data availability issues, only one year is available for Armenia).
First, we see that the economic complexity has diverged over time, although there is some similarity in the rankings among countries over time. The initial closeness is likely related to the planned nature of the Soviet economy that aimed to distribute production among Soviet Republics. In the post-Soviet context, however, the more complex economies (Estonia, Belarus, Lithuania, Ukraine, Latvia, Russia) kept or increased their sophistication and diversity of exports. Poland is the leading economy in terms of complexity, both in the beginning and towards the end of the sample period. Belarus, the second most complex economy in 2013 and the most complex economy in several years prior, shows an increasing trend in its sophistication of exports. Although its GDP per capita is noticeably lower than what would be expected from such a sophisticated economy, the complex production structure may explain its ability to withstand a permanent high inflation and external macroeconomic shocks. Some others, e.g., Tajikistan and Azerbaijan, saw a decreasing trend in economic complexity; Georgia and Kazakhstan, notably, lost in economic complexity but also in their ranking among their peers.
Figure 2. Economic Complexity of Transition Economies
Source: Data on GDP per capita is from the World Bank, and the data on the Economic Complexity Index is from the Observatory of Economic Complexity.
Conclusion
This brief revisited the economic complexity of transition economies and its evolution since the 1990s. The post-Soviet and other transition countries have had diverging economic development paths: Some have managed to build complex production economies, while others’ comparative advantage remains in raw materials. These differences are also reflected in their income levels.
Across the world, economic diversification is associated with higher per-capita income. As the brief showed, this relationship also holds for the post-Soviet countries; policy-makers should take economic diversification seriously. Increasing economic complexity may well pave the path to higher income levels.
References
- Cadot, O., Carrère, C., & Strauss-Kahn, V. (2011). Export diversification: What’s behind the hump?. Review of Economics and Statistics, 93(2), 590-605.
- Hausmann, R., Hidalgo, C. A., Bustos, S., Coscia, M., Simoes, A., & Yildirim, M. A. (2014). The atlas of economic complexity: Mapping paths to prosperity. Mit Press.
- Hausmann, R., Hwang, J., & Rodrik, D. (2007). What you export matters. Journal of economic growth, 12(1), 1-25.
- Hesse, H. (2006). Export diversification and economic growth. World Bank, Washington, DC.
- Hidalgo, C. A., & Hausmann, R. (2009). The building blocks of economic complexity. proceedings of the national academy of sciences, 106(26), 10570-10575.
Important Policy Lessons from Swedish-Russian Capital Flows Data
A recent study of capital flows between Sweden and Russia provides many policy lessons that are highly relevant for the current economic situation in Russia. In line with studies on other countries, bilateral FDI flows were more stable than portfolio flows, which is important for a country looking for predictable external sources of funding. However, much of the FDI flows came with trade and growth of the Russian market. The sharp decline in imports and fall in GDP is therefore bad news also when it comes to attracting FDI. The conclusion is (again) that institutional reforms and reengaging with the West are crucial policies to stimulate both the domestic economy and encourage much-needed FDI.
In a recent paper (Becker 2016), I take a detailed look at the trends and nature of bilateral capital flows between Sweden and Russia over that last 15 years. Although the paper focuses on the capital flows of a relatively small country like Sweden with Russia, it sheds some light on more general theoretical and empirical issues associated with FDI and portfolio flows that are highly relevant for Russia today.
Measuring Bilateral FDI
One general qualifier for studies of bilateral capital flows is however the reliability of data; Not only is a significant share of international capital flows routed through offshore tax havens which makes identifying the true country of origin and investment difficult, but also many investing companies are multinationals (MNEs) with operations and shareholders in many countries so it is hard to have a clear definition of what is a “Swedish” or a “Russian” company. In addition, when different official data providers, in this case Statistics Sweden (SCB) and the Central Bank of Russia (CBR), report capital flows on the macro level, there are large discrepancies.
Private companies also gather company level data on FDI that can be aggregated and compared with the macro level FDI data. This data is on gross FDI flows and should not be expected to be the same as the net macro level FDI flows data but is a bit of a “reality check” of the macro data.
Figure 1. Average annual FDI flows
Sources: SCB, CBR, fDi Market, MergerMarkets
The reported annual average flow of FDI from Sweden to Russia varies from around USD500 million to USD1.2 billion depending on the data source. Russian flows to Sweden are rather insignificant regardless of the source but the different sources do not agree on the sign of the net flows (Figure 1).
The differences between data sources suggest that some caution is warranted when analyzing bilateral FDI flows. With this caveat in mind, there are still some clear patterns in the capital flows data from Sweden to Russia that emerge and carries important policy lessons in the current Russian economic environment.
FDI vs. Portfolio Investments
There is a large literature discussing the distinguishing features of FDI and portfolio flows (see Becker 2016 for a summary). Some of the key macro economic questions include which type of flows provides most international risk sharing; are most stable over time; or most likely to contribute to balance of payments crises when the flows go in reverse. In addition, there are potential differences in terms of the amount of international knowledge transfers and how different types of capital flows respond to institutional factors.
Figure 2. FDI and portfolio investments
Source: SCB
Figure 2 shows that FDI has been much more stable than portfolio flows in the years prior to and after the global financial crisis as well as in more recent years. Although all types of capital flows respond negatively to poor macroeconomic performance, and the stock of portfolio investments swing around much faster than FDI investments, i.e., portfolio flows go in reverse more easily and can contribute to external crises. This makes FDI a more preferable type of capital flow for Russia.
FDI and Trade Go Together
Since FDI is a desired type of capital flow, it is important to understand its driving forces. The first question to address is whether FDI and trade are substitutes or complements. Since the bulk of FDI comes from MNEs that operate in many countries, we can imagine cases both when FDI supports existing trade and cases when it is aimed at replacing trade by moving production to the country where the demand for the goods is high.
In the case of Sweden and Russia, the macro picture is clear; FDI has increased very much in line with Swedish exports to Russia (Figure 3). Both of these variables are of course closely correlated with the general economic development in Russia, but even so, the very close correlation between FDI and trade over the last 15 years suggests that they are compliments rather than substitutes.
Figure 3. Swedish Exports and FDI to Russia
Source: SCB
Most FDI is Horizontal
FDI flows are often categorized in terms of the main motivating force for MNEs to engage in cross-border investment: vertical (basically looking for cheaper inputs), horizontal (expanding the customer base), export-platform (producing abroad for export to third countries) or complex (a mix of the other reasons) FDI.
Looking at the sectoral composition of FDI from Sweden to Russia (Figure 4), most investments have come in sectors where it is clear that MNEs are looking to expand their customer base. Even in the case of real estate investments, a large share is IKEA developing new shopping centers that host their own outlets together with other shops. Communication and financial services are also mostly related to service providers looking for new customer. Only a small share is in natural resource sectors that would be more in line with vertical FDI, while there are very few (if any) examples of MNEs moving production to Russia to export to third countries.
Figure 4. Sectors of Swedish FDI to Russia
Source: SCB
Policy conclusions
The above figures on bilateral capital flows from Sweden to Russia carry three important policy messages: 1) FDI is more stable than portfolio flows; 2) Trade goes hand in hand with FDI; and 3) FDI to Russia has mostly been horizontal and driven by an expanding customer base.
In the current situation where Russia should focus on policies to attract private capital inflows, the goal should be to attract FDI. Instead, the government is now looking for portfolio inflows in the form of a USD3 billion bond issue. But FDI is a more stable type of international capital than portfolio flows and also come with the potential of important knowledge transfers both in terms of new technologies and management practices.
However, as we have seen above, FDI inflows have in the past been correlated with increased trade and an expanding Russian market. In the current environment, where imports with the West declined by 30-40 percent in the last year, GDP fell by around 4 percent, and the drop in consumers’ real incomes have reached double digits in recent months, it is hard to see any macro factors that will drive FDI inflows.
Instead, attracting FDI in this macro environment requires policy changes that remove political and institutional barriers to investments. The first step is to fulfill the Minsk agreement and contribute to a peaceful solution in Ukraine that is consistent with international laws. This would not only remove official sanctions but also provide a very serious signal to foreign investors that Russia plays by the international rulebook and is a safe place for investments from any country.
The second part of an FDI-friendly reform package should address the institutional weaknesses that in the past have reduced both foreign and domestic investments. It is telling that many papers that look at the determinants of FDI flows to transition countries include a ‘Russia dummy’ that is estimated to be negative and both statistically and economically significant (see e.g. Bevan, Estrin and Meyer, 2004 and Frenkel, Funke, and Stadtmann, 2004). One factor that reduces the significance of the ‘Russia dummy’ is related to how laws are implemented. Other studies point to the negative effect corruption has on FDI.
Reducing corruption and improving the rule of law are some of the key reforms that would have benefits far beyond attracting FDI and has been part of the Russian reform discussion for a very long time. It was also part of the reform program that then-President Medvedev presented to deal with the situation in 2009 together with a long list of other structural reforms that would help modernize the Russian economy and society more generally.
As the saying goes, don’t waste a good crisis! It is time that Russia implements these long-overdue reforms and creates the prospering economy that the people of Russia would benefit from for many generations.
References
- Becker, T, 2016, “The Nature of Swedish-Russian Capital Flows”, SITE Working paper 35, March.
- Bevan, A, Estrin, S & Meyer, K 2004, “Foreign investment location and institutional development in transition economies”, International Business Review, vol. 13, no. 1, pp.43-64.
- Frenkel, M, Funke, K & Stadtmann, G 2004, “A panel analysis of bilateral FDI flows to emerging economies”, Economic Systems, vol. 28, no. 3, pp. 281-300.
Buyer Heterogeneity in Public Procurement
Authors: Elena Paltseva and Giancarlo Spagnolo, SITE.
We show that different types of contracting authorities exhibit rather different behavior in public procurement. In particular, in Sweden strategic bunching below the EU threshold is only observed for a certain type of authorities. The identity of the strategically behaving group is also non-uniform across different types of procurement contracts or geographic localities. Similarly, in Italy’s public works procurement only a specific type of public buyer seems related to bunching below the threshold. This suggests that the type of public buyer, and associated differences in incentives and outcomes, should be taken into consideration in designing procurement regulation and more general policy-making.
SITE Academic Conference “Fighting Corruption in Developing and Transition Countries”
The Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) and the Association of Swedish Development Economists (ASWEDE) has the pleasure to invite you to the SITE Academic conference “Fighting Corruption in Developing and Transition Countries”.
SITE and the aswede network will host a two-day academic conference from August 31 until 1 September at the Stockholm School of Economics. The intention of this conference is to bring together researchers across all fields of economics contributing to the debate about corruption, its effects, and the optimal tools to fight it. The focus is on low and middle-income countries and the role of legal institutions, with one section in particular focusing on the experience of the transition countries in the CIS and CEE regions.
We are honoured that, this year the conference will be attended by three remarkable keynote speakers:
- Abhijit Banerjee, Ford Foundation International Professor of Economics at MIT,
- Kaushik Basu, Senior Vice-President and Chief Economist at the World Bank,
- Simeon Djankov, Rector at the New Economic School in Moscow.
We invite you to get acquainted with our keynote speakers and listen to their talks at the conference days.
We are looking forward to seeing you on 31 August and 1 September 2015 and invite you to register for the conference until August 25, 2015 using the Eventbrite registration form below or via email: gun.malmquist@hhs.se, phone: 08-736 96 72.
Conference venue: Stora Salen, entrance from Holländargatan 32, 7th floor.
Please find more details about the event on conference program on the website of Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (see here).
Public Procurement Thresholds in Sweden
Authors: Elena Paltseva and Giancarlo Spagnolo, SITE.
We investigate the impact of procurement thresholds on strategic behavior of public buyers in Sweden. We document signs of “bunching” at the threshold, which suggests that strategic behavior in procurement is potentially important in Sweden, and should not be overlooked in the on-going public debate on the procurement thresholds. At the same time, data limitations do not allow us to access the impact of this strategic behavior on procurement outcomes and efficiency. This calls for better and more extensive procurement data collection.
Some More Reflections on RCTs
In preparation of next year’s elections, the Swedish government chose recently to replace the Minister for International Development Cooperation. During her long mandate, former Minister Gunilla Carlsson championed the importance of aid evaluation and result focus, and managed to move aid from a quiet consensus to become a hotly debated topic. She also closed down the aid evaluation agency SADEV, following the publication of critical reviews about the work of the agency. Now, an expert group is in charge of rethinking and redesigning development policy evaluation and planning. One of the tools under consideration is randomized control trials (RCTs). This is an area in which Swedish development cooperation has no previous experience. Here are some reflections on RCTs.
In recent years, the methods of development economics have been crucially altered by the introduction of randomized control trials (RCTs). The idea behind RCTs is that development policies can be evaluated similarly to clinical trials in medicine, where subjects are randomly assigned to receive a treatment or to function as a reference or control group. The main benefit of this approach is that the random assignment allows for an estimation of the effect of the treatment (that is, the policy in question), while avoiding unobservable confounding factors or selection issues (see more about the advantages of the method in Banerjee et al. (2008)).
The diffusion of experimental methods in development economics has undoubtedly been a revolution in the academic and, if not yet fully, in the policy world. In the blogosphere there has even been talk of awarding Sveriges Riksbank’s Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel, informally called the Nobel Prize of Economics, to the MIT couple Banerjee – Duflo. Due to their young age and the closeness in time of their contribution, this would be a ”shock” prize meant to give a strong signal. Their creation, the Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab (J-PAL), stands for a new approach to both scientific and policy work in development that is a fantastic contribution, and definitely has the connotation of seminal.
However, it might be too early for the profession to sanction a method that has much good to show for, but also potentially undesired consequences. In the camp of critics there are heavy weights such as Angus Deaton and Dani Rodrik of Princeton, and the World Bank’s Philip Keefer and Martin Ravallion. The core of their position is of course not to deny the merits of RCTs, but to advocate their use in the right way and, in particular, as one tool among many others, with important complementarities to the others.
Some points in this context are often made, well understood and widely accepted: the limits of the approach per se, in particular the problem of external validity (the question of how generally applicable are the findings from such studies); the conflict between short-run and long-run implications, especially with respect to some policy areas (support to institution-building among others), and the incentives of policy actors. Another brief in this series by Anders Olofsgård spells out these points very clearly and references to further readings for those interested.
One aspect I find to be missing in the debate is a reflection on what impact this new method has on the three main actors involved, namely the researchers and practitioners in development and their way of working, and the people living in the countries and regions where these studies take place. This will therefore be the focus of this brief.
The Impact on the Scholarly Profession
The creation of experimental infrastructures and the popularity of the RCT methodology have rubbed off on the rest of the empirical practice in development economics and beyond, with ever-increasing demands and expectations on the econometric identification of new studies. However, when it comes to what is possibly the main weakness of RCTs as compared to most observational studies, namely external validity, the corresponding demands and expectations on how this is dealt with seem to fall behind. As pointed out in Rodrik (2008), it is enough to compare the number of pages spent on describing the identification in an average observational study to that on external validity in an average RCT-based paper. If the purpose is to learn “what works in development”, as opposed to “what worked once for a set of 25 primary schools in Uttar Pradesh faced with high drop out rates” [1], it is natural to expect the researcher that really wants to serve this purpose to provide for a desired generality of her findings. With no generality, the findings may be of limited practical use to politicians and practitioners who need to choose a policy tool or make a decision in conditions, which are likely to differ from the exact setting of the study.
During a recent presentation by one of the most active and prominent RCT researchers, the researcher clearly stated at some point that: “[t]his intervention was never thought for scaling up as a policy.” That made me pause. But what is the purpose, then? In my meaning, these studies should fit into a “bigger-picture” understanding, or at least hypothesizing on how development works, what the binding constraints and open challenges are, what might contribute to overcoming them, and how do we proceed from there. Once some candidates are identified, RCTs might, depending on the setting, be used to evaluate and compare before and after the preferred policy is implemented. Unfortunately, this attitude is far from common, beyond what has become the standard of the ‘Introduction paragraphs’.
Quite often RCT studies are extremely precise and accurate on “the impact of X on Y”, even in cases of very small effects, and can be perhaps a bit vague or face bigger uncertainties on the ‘bigger’ question. This means that many, more general (and very relevant) questions are not addressed by development economists just because a RCT is not feasible. An example mentioned in a recent keynote lecture by David Laitin is the BetterBirth Project. This is a WHO program that seems to be making a big difference for infant and maternal health in India’s poorest states through a list of 29 easy, low-cost, low-technology and well-known practices. The main lesson drawn by observers at the Harvard School of Public Health is that people follow the list more accordingly when it is spread through ”human contact”. No mass media advertisement campaign, no punishment or incentive schemes, just ”nice” people visiting, explaining, and demonstrating the list, while – in the words of an interviewed nurse – ”smiling a lot”. At first sight, this seems like something that could be randomized. However, the treatment is so diffuse and fuzzy that the practical implementation would be very challenging. If it is the case that the person meeting the clinics’ personnel and spreading the information has to be somewhat of a mentor in order for the transition to happen, to be kind and pedagogic, repeat the visits indefinitely to make sure that the practices have been adopted, and do whatever else it takes to make them learn, this is very hard to observe with precision. To simply define X as ”presentation of the list in person”, to be compared to, for example, the ”diffusion of the list through an information campaign” would probably run the risk of severely underestimating the impact. This would be because it would bundle together different types of informers and different levels of human interaction. This means that there would be a high risk of zero or insignificant results from such a study. A RCT would need to be complemented by other investigations, for example surveys, in order to find out if there really was an effect and how it came about. All of the above is likely to undermine the publication chances for an academic paper on the issue, thereby discouraging development scholars to study this program.
There are two main ways of augmenting the RCT methodology in the direction of generalizability and external validity: the elbow-grease approach of replication and the resuscitation of the concern for theoretical mechanisms. Replication studies are not very appealing in the perspective of a scholar that aspires academic publications. Besides completely new clever designs that establish a link of causation in a specific case – and possibly for each of these corresponding studies that establishes the absence of such a link in different settings – journals have little interest in publishing more variations on the same theme. Replications with small variations should instead be highly attractive for development institutions and practitioners, precisely for the reason, mentioned above, that they want to learn about effectiveness of alternative strategies in as many different specific contexts as possible. [2] In an ideal world, development institutions and aid bureaucracies would work in close cooperation with universities and academic institutions, involving young researchers before their career-concern-stress phase (perhaps Ph. D. students?) in the design and evaluation of as many of their planned interventions as possible. Moreover, in an ideal world this would be enough reward for the young researchers. This wealth of replications would then favor the possibility of “taking stock” and really learning about some general truth. I do not, however, have a good recipe for making this happen.
Luckily, some scholars are in the meanwhile working on making the pendulum swing back from the purest empiricism to the involvement with theory. Here is a list of possibilities that are important to reflect about, starting from a given RCT:
– The macro problem. How does the found effect compare to the “bigger issue”, the one that most likely set the scene in the ‘Introduction paragraph’ of the study? Few studies go back to this point, after presenting their results. Numerical simulations or structural estimation of theoretical models might help answering this question. (See some examples in Buera et al. (2011) and Kaboski et al. (2011)).
– The alternative hypothesis. What is the particular intervention compared against? If the set of circumstances or policy-relevant parameters that might be varied are too big or too dense for replications, maybe a theoretical model can help to vary them in a smooth and continuous way?
– The strategic reaction. How are the involved economic agents likely to respond in case of an expansion in space, time or both, of the intervention? How would they have responded in the absence of the intervention?
The Impact on Development Practices
As stated above, RCTs may be a powerful tool for the learning and decision-making in development institutions, public or private. However, this assumes a seldom-questioned willingness to learn and change practices on their part. Brigham et al. (2013) show, through a RCT, that these organizations might be subject to confirmation bias. Brigham et al. sent out an invitation to microfinance institutions, offering partnership to evaluate their programs, randomly accompanying it with a survey of previous studies finding positive impact of microcredit, or a survey of studies finding no impact. The second treatment elicited barely half as many responses as the first one, which suggests that at least this type of organizations might not be so interested in learning whether what they do is effective or can be improved. Coupled with the mentioned publication bias, this might skew the distribution of reported, published and established findings even further.
The Impact on the Local Context
Individual studies can of course be affected by the so-called Hawthorne effect or experimenter effect. The phenomenon, by which the act of being experimented upon changes a subject’s behavior, was first observed and got its name in the 1920s in industrial psychology. Although it is clearly hard to establish, it has for decades been a central criticism of the ”participant observation” methodology in anthropology and ethnography. Also behavioral economists, that more recently started using experiments both in labs and in the field, are explicitly careful about it.
Depending on the definition of causality that the researcher has in mind, the fact that having knowledge about being treated impacts outcomes, might not be an issue at all for the measurement of the overall effect of an intervention. The overall effect should include also the (optimal) reaction of the agents (for example a change in behavior, the adoption of other complementary inputs, etc.) and this is actually considered one of the advantages of the method. However, this raises problems for the interpretation of the size of the effect and the analysis of the channels that bring it about. This point is made very clearly by Bulte et al. (2012), who compare a double-blind RCT with a regular one. If all or most of the effect simply comes from the participants knowing to be ”treated” and reacting to it, is the effect still going to be there when the intervention becomes a regular policy? The majority of both authors and critics mostly ignore this important question.
Beyond the perspective of a single study, a different concern comes to mind when considering how a substantial number of RCT studies are clustered geographically. The map below shows a snapshot of the J-PAL interventions in Africa and Asia, which are only a fraction, albeit substantial, of the total.
Figure 1. J-PAL Interventions in Africa and AsiaReading study after study set in Kenya, or some Indian state, I wonder if people there are starting to get used to private organizations going around giving away assets, or used to temporary local government programs with funky benefit schemes. To my knowledge, no study has yet reflected upon the aggregate impact of experiments and randomized interventions in an area that has many. Might it be the case that exposure to many conditions eventually results in ”experimental fatigue”, or practice effects, which may influence the results of the studies and make the interpretation of the findings difficult?
Even more worrisome, given the frequency of and the resources involved in these interventions, perhaps we should expect an impact on the local political economy. As a parallel, I think about the agrarian reform and the later establishment of the welfare state in post-war Italy, and how they gave major local actors the ability to uphold their clientelistic systems. The newly established rights and entitlements, the various benefits and redistribution programs, were ”filtered” by the local elites and channeled through the traditional ties of family, kinship, friendship and neighborhood. According to comparative analyses of European welfare regimes, clientelism exists, in different forms and intensities, in all Mediterranean welfare states, and it appears to be linked to the process of political mobilization and the establishment of welfare state institutions in these nations.
A recent study by Ravallion et al. (2013) finds that unemployed fail to act on information about the National Employment Guarantee Scheme (NEGS) in India. They hypothesizes that the bottleneck lies with the local government institutions (Gram Panchayats). The GP are supposed to receive the applications and apply for central government resources for planning and implementation of projects, so as to guarantee 100 days of work per year to all adults from rural households who are willing to do unskilled manual labor at the statutory minimum wage. But perhaps – argue the authors – given the strict controls on corruption, the GP officials do not find anything in it for themselves, and hence do not proceed. Of course this is just one of the possible explanations, and moreover the NEGS is not a RCT. But in general the involvement of local official or unofficial power structures in contexts where this type of interventions are increasingly common could be interestingly related to the hypothesis on the ”Mediterranean welfare state” outlined above. The idea definitely deserves investigation.
Conclusions
The popularity of RCTs among development scholars is finally spreading to practitioners. This is mostly good news, there is much to gain and learn from this approach, especially in contexts where it is grossly underexploited, as has been the case in Sweden. However, a near-monopoly of this approach is though not granted, given its non-negligible limitations, often belittled in light of its numerous strengths. Spurring development “one experiment at a time” might take unnecessary extra time and efforts, and bring about other undesirable consequences. Both development scholars and practitioners should not forget the other arrows in their quiver.
References
- Bannerjee, A. and E. Duflo (2008), “The Experimental Approach to Development Economics”, NBER Working Paper 14467.
- Brigham, Matthew, Michael Findley, William Matthias, Chase Petrey, and Daniel Nelson. ”Aversion to Learning in Development? A Global Field Experiment on Microfinance Institutions”. Technical Report, Brigham Young University March 2013.
- Buera, F. J., J. P. Kaboski, and Y. Shin (2011). ”The macroeconomics of microfinance.”
- BREAD working paper.
- Bulte, E., Pan, L., Hella, J., Beekman, G. and S. di Falco (2012). ”Pseudo-Placebo Effects in Randomized Controlled Trials for Development: Evidence from a Double-Blind Field Experiment in Tanzania.” Working Paper.
- Kaboski, J. P. and R. M. Townsend (2011, July). ”A structural evaluation of a large-scale quasi-experimental microfinance initiative.” Econometrica 79, 1357–1406.
- Olofsgård, A. ”What Do Recent Insights From Development Economics Tell Us About Foreign Aid Policy?” FREE Policy Brief Series, October 3, 2011.
- Ravallion, M., et al. ”Try Telling People their Rights? On Making India’s Largest Antipoverty Program work in India’s Poorest State.” Department of Economics, Georgetown University, Washington DC (2013).
- Rodrik, D. (2008). ‘The New Development Economics: We Shall Experiment, but How Shall We Learn?’. Harvard Kennedy School Working Paper No. RWP08-055.▪
[1] The example is fictitious. Any resemblance to real studies is unintended and purely coincidental.
[2] At least in theory – this point is discussed more in the next section.
Development Policy After the Millennium Development Goals: Where Do We Go From Here?
This policy brief reports on a discussion of the Post-2015 Development Agenda held during a full day conference at the Stockholm School of Economics on August 23, 2013. The event was organized jointly by the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) and the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and was the third installment of Development Day, a yearly development policy conference. The Millennium Development Goals established in year 2000 has been an essential concept for global and national efforts to promote economic, social and human development. Highlighting income poverty, health, education, gender equality and environmental sustainability, the targets have focused global efforts on a set of quantifiable and comparable measures of progress. The question for the development community as these goals reach their endpoint is how to build a successful agenda for the future beyond year 2015. To discuss this challenging question, the conference brought together a distinguished and experienced group of policy oriented scholars and practitioners from governments, International Financial Institutions, the business community as well as NGOs.
In September 2000, world leaders adopted the United Nations Millennium Declaration, committing their nations to a global partnership to reduce extreme poverty. The declaration defined eight time-bound targets expiring in 2015, the so-called Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). These goals specify areas of focus; eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, achieve universal primary education, promote gender equality and empower women, reduce child mortality rates, improve maternal health, combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, ensure environmental sustainability, and develop a global partnership for development. They also set explicit targets such as halving the number of people living on less than US$ 1.25 a day and reducing maternal mortality by three quarters from 1990 to 2015. Some commendable success has indeed been realized; already in 2010 the worldwide goal to reduce by half the proportion of people living on less than US$ 1.25 a day was achieved. However, much less progress has been seen in some other areas, including maternal health, and there are countries for which none of the goals are expected to be achieved by 2015. Nevertheless, the use of quantifiable, comparable and time-bound targets to create awareness and direct political resources is generally regarded as a success. The question for the development community as 2015 quickly approaches is thus how to build a successful post-2015 development agenda that builds on what has worked but also incorporates areas identified as missing.
The process to establish a new agenda of course raises many questions and reveals some of the trade-offs involved. There seems to be a consensus that the Millennium Declaration and the MDG framework should serve as a starting point, but there are many details to pin down. For instance, there are important challenges not directly mentioned in the original eight goals such as political conflict, rising inequality and youth unemployment. Many also argue that environmental sustainability, though included, may deserve a more prominent role in the future agenda. On the other hand, loading the Agenda with more and more goals may also dilute the global effort across too many areas, and some scholars argue that the whole idea with specific goals is counterproductive based on an organic view of development ill-suited for social engineering from above. To protect credibility, it is also important to get a sense of what is realistic to aim for, and what responsibility to ascribe to the already developed world. Moreover, even if a consensus can be reached with regards to the goals, opinions on how to best reach those goals will most definitely vary widely.
To get the process towards a new agenda started, the UN Secretary General has launched several initiatives including task teams, special advisors and consultations, but also a High-level Panel of Eminent Persons co-chaired by the Presidents of Indonesia and Liberia, and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom; also including as its member Gunilla Carlsson, Swedish Minister for Development Cooperation. The panel, led by executive secretary and lead author Homi Kharas, submitted a report to the Secretary General on May 31. The program of Development Day 2013 started with a presentation of the report by Dr. Kharas, and remarks from Minister Carlsson. This was followed by an academic session corroborating projections of the report and outlining its limitations, and two panel discussions on sustainable development and Sweden’s potential as a leader in this process. Below follows a short representation of the main arguments and debates of the day.
A New Global Partnership: Eradicate Poverty and Transform Economies through Sustainable Development
Homi Kharas, Senior Fellow and Deputy Director at the Brookings Institution, presented the main messages contained in the report in the first session. An analysis of the situation since year 2000 shows many positive signs such as high global economic growth; increased international connectedness; a reduction in global inequality; and a substantial drop in absolute poverty rates. However, there are also many challenges ahead; rapid population growth, political conflicts, and the fact that the majority of the extremely poor live in conflict zones, increasing urbanization, a deteriorating environment and dwindling aid flows. This, in turn, leads Dr. Kharas to conclude that ‘business as usual’ is no longer feasible, and a new framework replacing the MDGs is needed.
The report seeks to address these issues and is conceived to serve as a set of guidelines, new goals and targets for the UN Secretary General and for the UN member states for the post-2015 period. At the core of the report is a bold aspiration to eradicate absolute poverty by 2030 through a unified framework of sustainable economic growth, increased social equality and environmental sustainability, and a new global partnership paradigm. This universal agenda, in turn, is proposed to be reached via five paradigm shifts to the status quo, (i) universal inclusion and equality, (ii) environmentally sustainable development, (iii) a transformation of national economies for sustainable growth, (iv) peace and effective, transparent public institutions, and (v) a new and more inclusive global partnership. In the report these broad and major shifts are further delineated across 12 illustrative targets, which, if met, will directly affect more than two billion people across the world and would require about $30 trillion spent by the governments worldwide.
Dr, Kharas emphasized that the report was prepared in cooperation with 5000 civil organizations, 250 large international corporations, and thematic, regional and country consultations all over the world, with another one million people taking part in an online questionnaire. He stressed that this kind of broad cooperation and consultation is needed to implement the goals set by the report and especially to operationalize these goals at the level of each of the member states.
Gunilla Carlsson, Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation and a member of the UN High-Level Panel, continued the discussion and commended the members of the Panel on the impressive amount of work put in the report. She also emphasized the universal character of the agenda presented in the report, largely applicable both to developing and developed countries.
Carlsson stressed what she identified as the core values of the report; eradication of extreme poverty, prevention of violence and conflict, and inclusive peace. She further underlined the importance of local and global partnerships across governments, business communities and civil society. Broader public-private partnerships are essential both for fostering innovation in development work and to guarantee sufficient amounts of financing. The exact design of such a framework, however, is still an open question, but she hopes Sweden can serve as a leading example.
Both Homi Kharas and Gunilla Carlsson also showed great optimism when asked about the potential to implement the substantive initiatives by 2030. They stressed that not only does the world at present have more resources and more aid flows than it ever have, but the international community, including both public and private actors, is also showing more willingness to help the developing countries integrate successful development models than ever before.
Comments and Reflections
Martin Ravallion, Edmond D. Villani Professor of Economics at Georgetown University, started the commentary and reflection session. He showed how there is a strong current trend of between-country convergence of inequality rates (more equal countries becoming more unequal, while more unequal countries are becoming more equal) and declining poverty rate. The latter decline is to a considerable extent driven by Chinese economic growth, but this is far from the only source. He also underlined that the rate of poverty reduction has increased since the adoption of the MDGs in the 2000s, but said it was too early to judge the success or failure of the MDGs on these grounds.
Based on current trends, Ravallion also presented some estimates of the possibility to achieve the core objective of the report, eradication of absolute poverty by 2030. From a broad range of alternatives, the best case scenario, based on 3% annual growth rates of the world economy, absence of major economic crises and at least not decreasing participation of the poor in the benefits of growth, estimated a fall in absolute poverty rates from about 19% at present to 3% by 2030. In a less optimistic scenario, but historically not unlikely, levels of inequality and poverty would fall at a much slower rate, causing 12% to 14% of the world population to live below the absolute poverty line by 2030. Thus, the conclusion is that total eradication of absolute poverty by 2030 is hardly achievable, but substantial progress can be made, and it depends critically on continued high levels of world economic growth.
Professor Ravallion also stressed that these projections were made possible through a recent revolution in data availability, something the High Level Panel was asking for. To a large extent, this is attributed to a massive data collection effort by the World Bank, which not only provided better coverage of countries around the world, but also allowed for deeper insights into the nature of extreme poverty, including re-calculations and harmonization of cross-country comparable Purchasing Power Parity consumption baskets. This revolution provided more reliable inputs for his prediction models and improved the precision of estimates considerably.
Owen Barder, Senior Fellow and Director for Europe at the Center for Global Development, further emphasized this importance of credible statistics. Barder was somewhat skeptical to the report’s claim to be bold and offering a new approach, arguing that it largely reiterated the goals (jobs for young people, partnership with the private sector, reform of the financial system, etc.) already in the Millennium Declaration from year 2000. He also argued that the claim of success for the MDGs is almost entirely made on the basis of paragraph 19 of the Declaration; the objective to reduce by half the number of people living in absolute poverty. Much less progress has been made on the other explicit objectives, and all other aspects emphasized in the Millennium Declaration but which were not necessarily a part of the MDGs.
Barder suggested that there is too little effort to consistently measure whether rich countries are playing their part in the global partnership. Against that background he presented some preliminary results on the last round of the Center for Global Development’s Commitment to Development Index, calculated on the basis of OECD counties’ participation in aid, trade, investments, migration, environment, security and technology transfers. Over the last 10 years, OECD countries demonstrated on average a modest increase from four to five points on a ten-point scale, with Sweden ranked third from the top with a score of 7.2 for 2011 and 6.8 for 2012. Interestingly enough, this deterioration in the index for Sweden is mainly due to deterioration in the security component of the index, in turn resulting from larger sales of arms to undemocratic regimes, and from decreasing aid and immigration. There is obviously variation across countries, but on average there is scant improvements during the 13 years since the Millennium Declaration. This led Barder to question whether the developed countries have contributed their share to the objective of ending poverty, or if too much of the heavy lifting is left for the developing countries.
Barder concluded the presentation by pointing out the difference in language used in the report, namely the imperative used in the parts of the report describing recommendations for the developing countries, and the subjunctive used for recommendations for the developed countries. Again, to him this difference signaled the need to re-emphasize the importance of political commitment and operational goals also for the already developed countries in the Post-2015 Agenda.
Johan Rockström, Executive Director at the Stockholm Resilience Centre, started out noting that the population of the world is estimated to increase to eight billion people by 2030 and to nine billion by 2050. This, in combination with the currently prevailing development paradigm that emphasizes short-term economic growth over long run sustainability, causing degradation of biodiversity and climate change, means that we are hitting the planetary ceiling of eco-capacity. This suggests that ‘business as usual’ is no longer an option, and a new development paradigm is needed.
To address this issue, Rockström formulated a set of goals for human development balancing the needs of the environment, the needs of society and the needs of the people, all within the Earth’s life-support system. He proposed a broader framework for thinking about these issues, the so-called Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs rather than MDGs), which rebalances the relative weight on environmental, human and economic development with relatively more emphasis on the first two. This approach unifies the MDGs with planetary necessities (material use, clean air, nutrient and hydrological cycles, biodiversity, and climate stability), and sustainable development goals (sustainable food and water security, universal clean energy, governance for sustainable societies, etc.).
Discussion Panels
The first panel of the day focused on issues of sustainable development and was started by Klas Waldenström, Senior Advisor on the Post-2015 Development Agenda at Sida. He argued that the main challenge to the new partnership paradigm discussed earlier, will be the creation of trust both across nations and across the private and public sectors. Referring to the experience of Sida, he cited the successful creation of a network of 25 private Swedish companies focusing on models of sustainable development. An important role of official foreign aid in these partnerships, he argued, was to blend direct financial transfers with a combination of political support and business sector outreach, thereby potentially leveraging the financial flows with alternative sources of capital.
David Fergusson, Deputy Director at the Office of Science and Technology at USAID, called for more and better data in order to be able to operationalize and evaluate the new strategies that hopefully will come out of the report. He also reiterated the importance of transformative solutions for sustainable development and the need to understand that ‘business as usual’ is no longer an option. He also referred to the successful cooperation between Sida and USAID as an example of international collaboration of a new kind, more of which will be needed in the future to overcome the status quo and achieve the goals put forward by the report.
Garry Conille, Special Advisor to President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia and UNDP, discussed his experience of working with the MDGs and stressed that possibly the most challenging part was the negotiation between different stakeholders to reach a set of issues well-defined and contained enough to be operational. From his point of view, the major challenge is the operationalization of the rather opaque and broadly defined MDGs and how to find a proper allocation of resources across the many commendable ambitions. He therefore called for an effort to make the post-2015 agenda more practical.
The issue of operationalization was discussed further by Stefano Prato, Managing Director at the Society for International Development. He argued that with such large shifts proposed by the post-2015 agenda, it is perhaps difficult to understand how to work with the vision put forward by the panel. His suggestion for the Panel was to dig deeper into the challenging areas of the report but also to develop more applied recommendations for the member states and especially so for the private institutions desired as part of the new partnerships.
This need for operationalization was supported by Jakob Granit, Centre Director at the Stockholm Environment Institute. In his opinion, the broad vision as presented in the report is indeed difficult to work with, but he also suggested that progress on parts of the agenda can be instructive for how to go further also with the more challenging parts. He also emphasized the importance of a regional approach, building on existing networks of regional partnerships, and again stressed the importance of public-private partnerships to solve common international issues.
The second panel was devoted to the role Sweden can play in global sustainable development and the post-2015 agenda. The discussion was started by Ulla Holm, Global Director at Tetra Laval Food for Development Office. She presented some of Tetra Laval’s experiences of sustainable development work in Bangladesh, an example of a successful public-private partnership. In her view, one of the main pillars of sustainability is to prevent unnecessary food loss, and this can be achieved by building an integrated value chain that supports rural development in the long run. The crucial challenge on this path is the need for concurrent public and private investments, and how to overcome coordination problems and lacking trust across stakeholders. She therefore stressed the need to construct successful public-private partnerships on a large scale and in different areas, but also to make sure to document and scale up the existing models in order to replicate success in the most cost efficient way.
Erik Lysen, Director for International Affairs at the Church of Sweden, stressed the challenges in changing existing institutions and briefly discussed the main motives that could make such changes to occur. He also argued that some of the strongest motives that would actually provide the necessary motivation for change, namely fear, could not be desirable in the long run, but still viable in a context of post-2015 agenda if complemented with better social protection, institutes of civil society and a broader public discussion. Here, NGOs could act as watchdogs and catalysts, strengthening the desire for building new institutions and providing material and human support for their construction at the same time.
Stefan Isaksson, Head of Policy Analysis at the Department for Aid Management at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, continued the discussion on the challenges of changing existing institutions. He described current efforts to remodel the Swedish aid management system in order to become a more effective bureaucracy. In his view, the major shift in thinking is that of understanding aid less as simply giving money away and more as an investment for a common future. This is needed to improve the selection process of aid projects and also to motivate better the need to make projects and their results measurable and accountable. To achieve this, broader collaboration and consultations across stakeholders is needed. He also mentioned that perhaps at present many aid projects are too conservative, that the failure rate is too low because it reflects an aversion to risk that partly defeats the purpose of official foreign aid. The private sector will always be reluctant to venture into areas with high risk even if the potential social rate of return is high, so for official aid to serve as a more effective complement to private flows, more risk tolerance may be needed.
The issue of understanding aid as investment was discussed in detail by Jonas Ahlen, Investment Manager at the Storebrand Kapitalförvaltning. He described current efforts in the area of sustainable investments, mainly centered in microfinance and agricultural loans. In his opinion, broader involvement in such practices from the private sector would facilitate a transition to sustainable practices, but would at the same time require changing existing regulations in home countries to incentivize and alleviate the risks. He also stressed the need for broader public-private partnerships in these areas and briefly described the new consultative practices established by the Ministry of Finance in Sweden to catalyze private capital participation in for instance infrastructure projects in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Finally, Homi Kharas added to the Sweden-centered discussion by stressing that there exists no systematic assessment of what public-private partnerships can do. In his opinion, possibly the most important role for Sweden is to create conditions that would facilitate public-private partnerships in development and aid. By developing and experimenting with forms of public-private partnerships, as well as with new ways of measuring and monitoring of performance of such partnerships, Sweden could create a case for broader involvement of private funding and thus accomplish perhaps the most difficult part of bridging the post-2015 with the experience and skills of the private sector.
Conclusions
In sum, the discussion at the Development Day 2013 clearly highlighted the importance of sustaining some of the positive trends seen lately for economic and human development but also highlighted how crucial it is to take environmental sustainability into account. There is a growing consensus that long run human development necessitates an understanding of the planetary boundaries, even though exactly what trade-offs this involves and where to put the relative weight on more short run economic development is still debatable. There was also a wide consensus around the importance to get all different parts of society involved and working in tandem. Foreign aid cannot be expected to pull the heavy load by itself. The challenges are far too wide and important. Instead, much hope was attributed to public-private partnerships, but there is a lot of work that remains to make sure these vehicles generate the hoped for solutions. The capital, experience and skills of the private sector are needed. On the other hand, getting the incentives right is not a trivial challenge. Finding models of partnerships that work and can be scaled up may be an area in which Sweden can set an example and lead the way for other nations striving to contribute to long run sustainable development.
